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[pt] Com a emergência da internet e o constante aperfeiçoamento das Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação (TICs) ao longo das últimas três décadas, verificase no Brasil, assim como no resto do mundo, a reconfiguração de forma virtualizada da esfera pública na qual as questões sociais são discutidas, observando-se, ainda, que interesses individuais, sociais, políticos e econômicos entrelaçam-se e apropriam-se uns dos outros na criação e manutenção de espaços para discussões, que, por sua vez, são amplamente utilizados como caixas de ressonância para que as mais variadas questões ecoem pela sociedade; é o caso da rede social conhecida mundialmente como Twitter. Assim, aliando-a às devidas complementações extraídas das obras de autores hodiernos como Eduardo Magrani e Evgeny Morozov, torna-se fundamental o recurso à teoria de Jürgen Habermas para que se possa entender a configuração, importância e problemas da atual esfera pública nacional, bem como para que se possa extrair conclusões sobre a racionalidade dos debates políticos travados dentro da plataforma Twitter, demonstrando que, sob o pretexto de fornecer um espaço de efetivação da práxis comunicacional cotidiana, a plataforma, na verdade, instrumentaliza interesses, e, consequentemente, promove a colonização do mundo da vida de seus usuários. Outrossim, em virtude do caráter pragmático-formal da teoria habermasiana, também se demonstra como um agente político influente pode se valer estrategicamente da plataforma para ascensão de seus interesses próprios através da análise de algumas de suas manifestações. / [en] The emergence of the internet and the constant improvement of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) over the last three decades, in Brazil, as in the rest of the world, the reconfiguration of the public sphere in which are discussed, also observing that individual, social, political and economic interests intertwine and appropriate each other in the creation and maintenance of spaces for discussions, which, in turn, are widely used as boxes of resonance so that the most varied issues echo through society; this is the case of the social network known worldwide as Twitter. Thus, combining it with the necessary complements extracted from the works of contemporary authors such as Eduardo Magrani and Evgeny Morozov, it is essential to resort to the theory of Jürgen Habermas in order to understand the configuration, importance and problems of the current national public sphere, as well as how to draw conclusions about the rationality of the political debates held within the Twitter platform, demonstrating that, under the pretext of providing a space for the realization of everyday communicational praxis, the platform actually instrumentalizes interests, and, consequently, promotes the colonization of the lifeworld of its users. Furthermore, due to the pragmatic-formal character of the Habermasian theory, it is also demonstrated how an influential political agent can strategically use the platform to advance its own interests through the analysis of some of its manifestations.

published_or_final_version / Education / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

The main question in this thesis is what kind of considerations political parties in the Swedish parliament have made between individual freedoms and state power in matters concerning information technology. Hence, it relates to a central and never ending debate about the proper relationship between the individual rights of citizens and protection of their personal integrity vis-à-vis state power and the interest of society in general, and in particular how this is affected by the rapid development of information technology. Four cases of legislative processes about information technology are analyzed. These cases concern parliamentary debates regarding the secrecy act (sekretesslagen) in 1980 (first debate), three debates concerning the personal data act (personuppgiftslagen) in 1998-99, three debates concerning the surveillance and crime prevention act (lag om hemlig rumsavlyssning & åtgärder för att förhindra vissa särskilt allvarliga brott med mera) in 2006-07 and three debates concerning the national defence radio establishment act (FRA & lag om signalspaning) in 2007-09. An analytical model is developed that includes two ideal types, individual freedom and state power, for the study and categorization of the parties and their positions in each debate. Thus, parties are categorized according to their proximity to the ideal types. The study illustrates that the majority of parties have a tendency to compromise between values constituting the two ideal types; they choose a so called hybrid position in between individual freedom and state power. The exception to this pattern is the Green Party and the Left Party that tend to choose a position close to individual freedom. Three hypotheses are tested. The first implies that parties tend to position themselves in-between the ideal type positions of individual freedom and state power (hybrid positions). This hypothesis gets strong support as hybrid positions are the most common outcome. The second hypothesis infers that a party has a tendency to support state power when in government, but individual freedom when in opposition. This hypothesis also gets empirical support, as parties, when in government, tend increasingly to support values related to state power, but support is somewhat weaker than for the first hypothesis. Finally, the third hypothesis implies that September 11 2001 was a critical moment in relation to how parties deal with values related to individual freedom and state power, i.e. parties were expected generally to be more disposed to support state power after than before September 11. This gets some support as most parties show this tendency. In parliamentary debates after September 11 the Social Democrats, the Moderate Party and the Liberal Party have been more disposed to position themselves close to the value of state power. On the other hand, the Green Party and the Left Party have not changed their positons. One reason could be that neither of these two parties were in government during the studied years

The purpose of this thesis is to determine the impact of intermediate school forensics on high school forensic programs in the Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex. First, the thesis records student and instructor evaluations of both the intermediate school and high school forensic programs. Second, it compares the evaluations by students with intermediate forensics and students without intermediate forensics. Third, it discusses the impact of intermediate forensics on high school forensic programs. This study reveals that intermediate forensics is beneficial to high school forensics. Previously trained students teach and interest others in high school. They are more confident, have more initiative and win more than other students.

Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet, prédicateur éminent de son temps, tient un rôle de premier plan à la Cour de Louis XIV et travaille à l’unité de l’Église. Port-Royal, en soutenant une doctrine jugée trop rigoureuse par les autorités politiques et religieuses, s’attire leur l’hostilité. Malgré cette opposition apparente, cette étude se propose d’exposer dans leur diversité les points de contact entre l’évêque de Meaux et Port-Royal, les grandes controverses du second XVIIe siècle agissant comme un révélateur, afin de démontrer que ces débats « temporels » permettent de mettre en évidence deux théologies qui n’avouent pas leur proximité. / Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet, the preeminent preacher of his time, enjoys at the court of Louis the XIV, a prominent position, which enables him to work in favor of the Church unity. Port-Royal while defending a too rigorous doctrine toward the political and religious authorities of the time is bound to incur their anger. But in spite of this apparent opposition, this particular study aims to offer a variety of converging points between the Bishop of Meaux and Port-Royal, which are parts of the second half of the XVIIe century’s big controversies and work as a telltale to demonstrate that those « temporal » debates allow revealing two theologies denying their propinquity.

Liu Xiaobo first came to attention in mid 80s of the 20th century, as radical critic of Chinese culture and society. Due to his point of view he cannot be linked with any existing intellectual group. Therefore, it is not possible to point him as a typical representative of the intellectual circles of the time. This work brings closer his ideas and his perspective of the changing Chinese society of the 1980s. It follows chronologically important events in Liu Xiaobo's life and his involvement in the intellectual debates within the context of social and political situation in the People's Republic of China. It is based on the articles and books he published during the given period. In the end it brings the summary of his ideas and his vision about where should be Post-Mao China heading. Keywords Liu Xiaobo, China after the Cultural Revolution, China - modern history, intellectual debates

Le thème de cette thèse est la prescription industrieuse. Les évolutions de la « prescription » révèlent une tension entre une double articulation : construite dans les formes successives d'organisations de la vie sociale, elle est cependant constamment traversée par le fait que c'est le destin de l'humanité d'être toujours en proie à des débats de normes. Si le travail renvoie fondamentalement à l'activité créatrice et technicienne immémoriale sans laquelle nous ne serions pas qui nous sommes, la thèse fait l'hypothèse que l'on n'a pas tiré tous les bénéfices pour les usages sociaux et scientifiques de la découverte d'un travail réel. Une première partie pose les jalons théoriques de la thèse anthropologique selon laquelle l'activité humaine est toujours « débat de normes » et la situe dans une histoire récente. La deuxième partie propose deux détours, l'un portant sur le rapport entre machine et organisme, l'autre, paléontologique situant une spécificité de la technique humaine dans la taille de roches dures. Une troisième partie retrace à travers quelques tableaux historiques choisis des éléments d'évolution de la prescription industrieuse. Une dernière partie propose un exemple de retravail des prescriptions à partir de l'expérience d'un groupe de rencontre du travail consacré à l'activité des infirmiers de secteur psychiatrique. L'ensemble est une réflexion philosophique et épistémologique sur la prescription industrieuse centrée sur une approche anthropologique de l'activité industrieuse humaine. / This thesis deals about work instruction. The evolution of “work instruction” reveals a tension between a double anticipation: built on the successive forms of social organisations, it is constantly traversed by the fact that humanity's destiny is always in the grip of debates of norms. If work refers fundamentally to the immemorial creative and technical activity without which we would not be who we are, this thesis makes the hypothesis that we have not taken all advantages from the discovery of real work regarding its social and scientific use. First, we will expose the anthropologic theory showing that human activity is always a debate of norms and located in a recent history. Next, we will propose two detours, one on the relation between machine and organism, the second on palaeontology, situating the specificity of human technique in shaping hard rock. Then, we will tell a few selected stories of elements of the evolution of work instruction. Finally, we will propose an example of adapting work instructions from the point of view of a working group of nurses in the psychiatric sector. On the whole, it is a philosophical and epistemic thought on work instruction focusing at an anthropological approach of human industrious activity.

Dans cette thèse, j’ai souhaité explorer la communication politique espagnole réactivée après plus de quarante ans de dictature et porter une attention particulière au nouveau schéma communicationnel que l’Espagne a dû se réinventer, en s’inspirant des pratiques marketing déjà ancrées chez ses homologues européens et américains. Encouragé par l’augmentation du nombre de convocations électorales, la prolifération des discours parlementaires et l’essor des moyens de communication de masse, un nouveau jeu de langage politique est né entre les acteurs de cette communication politique que sont les hommes politiques, les médias et l’opinion publique. Aussi, insérés dans un contexte socio-historique extrêmement riche, les discours politiques prononcés dans l’Espagne démocratique (1982-2008) par le PP et le PSOE en campagne ou hors campagne sont non seulement révélateurs de l’évolution d’une société démocratique en quête de construction et de reconnaissance sur la scène internationale ; ils marquent également la fin des clivages idéologiques. La diversité de mon corpus a cherché à lever le voile sur la nouvelle parole politique, tiraillée entre la transmission des idéologies et la politique spectacle. La première partie de ce travail de recherche jette les bases théoriques de la communication politique et du discours politique généralisables à toutes les démocraties occidentales, en centrant son attention sur le cas espagnol, qui a su adapter sa manière de communiquer et de produire des discours dans la sphère politique aux exigences contemporaines sous l’égide du marketing politique. La seconde partie interroge les spots électoraux émis par les deux partis majoritaires au cours des élections législatives de 1982 à 2008 du point de vue des stratégies discursives en portant une attention particulière à l’image. La troisième partie livre une analyse lexicale des discours d’investiture prononcés depuis 1982 par les chefs de gouvernement espagnols, étude complétée par une analyse du contenu qui met en exergue les caractéristiques de chacun d’entre eux et confronte chaque allocution au débat qui a opposé le candidat aspirant à la Moncloa au porte-parole de l’opposition. / In this thesis, I intend to investigate the Spanish means of political communication that have been reactivated after more than forty years of dictatorship, and to pay particular attention to the new communication strategy that Spain has had to reinvent, by drawing inspiration from marketing practices already well established in her European and American counterparts. Encouraged by the increase in the number of elections, the proliferation of parliamentary speeches and the development of mass media, a new kind of political language has come about between the political communicators who are the politicians, the media, and the public. Furthermore, set in an extremely rich socio-historic context, the political speeches delivered in democratic Spain (1982-2008) by the PP and the PSOE during or outside their campaigns not only deal with a society in transition to democracy and which is internationally recognised on the but they also mark the end of ideological splits. The variety of documents in my corpus aims at unveiling the new political vocabulary, pulled between conveying ideologies and « showbiz politics ». The first part of this research lays the foundations of political communication and political language that can be applied to all western democracies, focusing on the Spanish case which was able to adapt its way of communicating and producing speeches in the political sphere to the contemporary requirements under the aegis of political marketing. The second part questions t both major parties’ party political broadcast during the general elections from 1982 to 2008 from the strategic point of view of the speeches, by paying particular attention to images. Third part is a lexical analysis of nomination speeches since 1982 by successive Spanish heads of government. This study is completed by an analysis of the content of the speeches and compares every political commentary with the debate that set the candidate aspiring to the Moncloa against the opposition’s spokesman.

<p>We now live in an era of experts on virtually everything, among which we have professional medical ethicists, who gained prominence in the late 60s due to dramatic advances in medical technology. Before then, medical ethics issues were not thought as separable from the warp and woof of the everyday life. Medical technology’s advancement cascades legions of moral problems in medicine and biomedical research. Series of innovative interventions in medicine raise throngs of ethical questions. In most cases that have to do with issues of life and death, there are perceived moral conflicts. Due to this swath of problematic issues that need solutions, some apologists favour medical ethics experts as fit for the job, while critics argue that no one has the knowledge or skill for dealing with moral quandaries because objective truth is not feasible in ethics and moral judgment is relative to cultures, beliefs and values. The necessity for medical ethicists to take active role in Medical Ethics Debates, either in Committees at the institutional level, or at any other decision-making mechanisms is justified in this thesis. In addition to this, the thesis also justifies medical ethicists’ role as expert consultants to clinicians and individuals alike This justification is based on complex moral problems accentuated by medical technology, which are far from being easily solved through mere appeal to individual reason, but rather by involving medical ethicists based on their specialized knowledge and high level understanding of research and practice. Although critics question the authority with which experts speak on these issues, nevertheless, the thesis unravels the roles, functions, significance and components of expert’s expertise that separate him/her from the crowd. Arguments are critically analysed and medical ethicists’ limits and professional flaws are addressed, with a view to establishing a virile foundation for the profession of medical ethics.</p>