Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T12:54:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAO_GUSTAVO ANDRE DOS SANTOS.pdf: 679748 bytes, checksum: 9c99eb7bf238a3f423e6c5d8d418dfb6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-01-19 / This theses aims to analyze the inter-institutional dialogue from the complex relationship between law and politics. It starts with an understanding of deliberative democracy from the tension between popular sovereignty and fundamental rights, as is proposed by the philosopher Jürgen Habermas. Therefore, it is sought to reconstruct the Brazilian constitutional history and strengthening the role of the judiciary over time, pointing out the problems that this stance produced in relations between the powers and the assumption of responsibilities by the Executive and the Legislature and the civil society, about the effectiveness of the Constitution. The rhetoric of "guardian of the Constitution" of the Supreme Court is analyzed in the broader context of democracy and the expansion of this apex body of the Judiciary. It points out how the enhanced model of judicial review into force accentuates one pole of the tension between public and private autonomy. Finally, it is sought to demonstrate that the recognition of a dialogical perspective in the constitution reading can contribute to increasing the legitimacy of the current judicial review, particularly in the complex relationship between constitutionalism and democracy, and foster the development of a feeling constitutional in Brazilian society. / O presente trabalho objetiva analisar o diálogo interinstitucional a partir da complexa relação entre direito e política. Parte-se de uma compreensão de democracia deliberativa no cerne da tensão entre soberania popular e direitos fundamentais, tal qual proposta pelo filósofo Jürgen Habermas. Diante disso, busca-se reconstruir a história constitucional brasileira e o reforço do papel do Poder Judiciário ao longo do tempo, apontando os problemas que essa postura produziu nas relações entre os poderes e na assunção das responsabilidades por parte do Executivo, do Legislativo e pela sociedade civil, quanto à eficácia da Constituição. A retórica do guardião da constituição é objeto de análise no contexto mais amplo da redemocratização e da expansão dos poderes do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Aponta-se como o modelo reforçado de controle de constitucionalidade em vigor acentua um dos polos da tensão entre autonomia pública e privada. Por fim, busca-se demonstrar que o reconhecimento de uma perspectiva dialógica na leitura da constituição pode contribuir para o aumento da legitimação do controle de constitucionalidade vigente, sobretudo no âmbito da complexa relação entre constitucionalismo e democracia, além de fomentar o desenvolvimento de um sentimento constitucional na sociedade brasileira.

Este trabalho estuda os Conselhos Gestores de Saúde das Subprefeituras de São Paulo e os conselheiros que deles fazem parte. Estes Conselhos são desdobramentos do Movimento Popular de Saúde, que consiste em fóruns públicos para reivindicação de melhorias no sistema de atendimento à saúde, e tem seu início na década de 1970 em meio a forte repressão política, exercendo importante papel no processo de redemocratização do Brasil. Tal movimento conseguiu exercer intensa influência no capítulo da Constituição Federal que trata do Sistema Único de Saúde, e inscreveu a obrigatoriedade da existência dos Conselhos Gestores nos Municípios da Federação. Estes Conselhos têm por função institucional fazer o controle popular das políticas públicas empreendidas pelo Sistema Único de Saúde. Como se tratam de fóruns participativos, é plausível que sejam pensados e analisados através da teoria da democracia deliberativa. Partindo desta concepção de democracia, discutiu-se a possibilidade de processos deliberativos gerarem capital social e cultura cívica nas pessoas que participam destes fóruns. A parte empírica deste trabalho foi feita por estudos de casos que levaram em conta quatro Conselhos e dezesseis conselheiros. Nesta etapa, avaliou-se a relação entre os desenhos institucionais dos Conselhos Gestores de Saúde e o perfil cívico dos conselheiros que participam destes fóruns. / The present issue discusses the District Health Councils of the Submunicipalities at the city of São Paulo, Brazil and its councilors. These Councils have their basis in the Popular Health Movement, organized in fora of discussion to demand improvements in public policies of health care. That movement, which started in the 1970?s under military dictatorship, had an important role in Brazilian political redemocratization. Furthermore, it had a strong influence in 1988 Constitution\'s chapter about the obligatoriness of the District Health Councils in the municipalities of the Federation. The institutional goal of these Councils is to oversee the effectiveness of the government in implement public policies. The normative dimensions of these fora are upon the deliberative democracy theory. Having this assumption of democracy, I discuss the possibility of these arenas to generate social capital and civic culture among its participants. In a comparative study of four Councils and 16 councilors I analyzed the relation between the institutional framework of these District Councils and the level of civic culture of its councilors.

Some of the most pressing challenges facing humanity today, such as how to respond to climate change or govern the internet, are too complex for any individual or small group to completely understand by themselves, but a lot of people each know a piece of the problem or solution. This is somewhat like a billion-piece jigsaw puzzle where somebody threw away the box and mailed each piece to a different person. Attempts are now being made to build platforms where people can bring their pieces and assemble them into solutions. This thesis examines such platforms, how people use and perceive them and their content, and how certain design decisions such as the exposure of discussion behind collaboratively produced content can affect those perceptions. Through a set of studies ranging from qualitative interviews to controlled experiments with hundreds or thousands of participants, this thesis adds to our understanding of how humans use and perceive content on such platforms, including when primary content is presented alongside related content or discussion, so that we can better understand how to design these systems to better achieve their users’ intended goals. The research integrates insights from computer science and social psychology with latent variable modeling techniques in order to increase our understanding of what people are trying to accomplish on an example platform designed to support large-scale collaboration around a complex issue, and experimentally explores how people perceive the content they find on such sites. Data and projects used in this thesis come from a diversity of sources including Wikipedia, the President’s SAVE award ideation contest (facilitated through the IdeaScale ideation platform), and the MIT Climate CoLab.

This thesis investigates how rural communities negotiate the development of renewable energy projects. Public and local community acceptance of these new technologies in rural areas around the world is uncertain and spatially uneven and represents an area of emerging public policy interest and one where scholarly theory is rapidly developing. This thesis uses Habermasian concepts of public sphere, communicative action and deliberative democracy, as well as the concept of “wicked problems” from the planning studies literature combined with geographical concepts of place and scale to advance theoretical and empirical understanding of how public opinion on renewable energy technologies is formed in place. It documents energy use patterns, attitudes and sociopolitical relations at a time when considerable state and business efforts are directed at the construction of solar, wind, biomass and small-hydro technologies in rural regions. These concepts and theories are applied in a case study of rural communities in the Eastern Ontario Highlands, an impoverished area undergoing rapid restructuring driven by centralization of services and amenity migration but with abundant natural resources in form of forests, numerous waterways and open space which have attracted a broad range of new energy developments. Overall high levels of support for alternative energy development particularly for solar power were found, albeit for reasons of local energy security and not for reasons of preventing climate change. There was some evidence that seasonal residents are less supportive of hydro and biomass projects than permanent residents possibly reflecting broader trends in rural economies away from productive uses of land to consumptive appreciation of rural landscapes. The thesis suggests that collective action to advance energy projects in the case study area require agreement along three world-claims (truth, rightness and truthfulness) and that communication leading to discourse which uncovers hitherto hidden reasons for action is possible. These findings offer rare empirical evidence of the predictions of deliberative democratic theory in environmental planning settings. However, multiple barriers to communicative action were also identified and there is evidence that the state’s reliance on market incentives may have long term costs in terms of diminished public reasoning around renewable energy.

O objetivo da presente tese é interpretar a Política de Aristóteles a partir de dois conceitos nucleares: a constituição e a deliberação consideradas como categorias hermenêuticas e exegéticas que derivam de e se conectam a outras noções teóricas da filosofia aristotélica. Assim, o estudo se inicia com o exame da existência natural da pólis determinada pelo princípio da forma - e o ser político do homem - especificado pela posse do lógos. Esta interpretação penetra depois na análise paralela da prudência e do intelecto prático, o cidadão e a deliberação política por uma parte, e a virtude ética e a justiça, os tipos de constituição política e as formas históricas por outra. Ambas linhas analíticas convergem para uma síntese que reconhece empiricamente a variedade dos regimes, a heterogeneidade social da cidade e a autoridade da instituição da assembléia. Por meio de nossa reconstrução, a teoria política de Aristóteles revela o fundamento democrático que subjaz a um pensamento crítico, problemático e historicamente situado. / The objective of this thesis is to interpret Aristotle\'s Politics starting from two core concepts: the constitution and the deliberation considered as hermeneutic and exegetic categories derived from and connected with other theoretical notions of the Aristotelian philosophy. Thus, the study begins with the examination of the natural existence of the polis - determined by the principle of form - and the political being of man- specified by possession of logos. This interpretation then enters upon the parallel analysis of prudence and practical intellect, the citizen and political deliberation on one hand, and ethical virtue and justice, the types of political constitution and historical forms on the other. Both analytical lines converge on a synthesis which recognizes empirically the variety of regimes, the social diversity of the city and the authority of the institutional assembly. By means of our reconstruction, Aristotle\'s political theory reveals the democratic fundamental which underlies a critical, problematic and historically situated thinking.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’enrichir la boîte à outils formelle et conceptuelle de la théorie des transformations de préférence. Pour ce faire, je modélise une procédure, la délibération partielle, par laquelle les agents changent l’ensemble des valeurs qui induisent leur relation de préférences. La délibération partielle se fonde sur l’idée qu’un tel changement résulte d’une prise de conscience (growing awareness) de ces certaines de ces valeurs. En prenant conscience de nouvelles valeurs, l’agent réalise qu’il adhère (respectivement qu’il n’adhère pas) à de mauvaises valeurs (resp. de bonnes), soit que les valeurs auxquelles il adhère sont contradictoires, soit qu’elles se renforcent mutuellement. Au travers d’une analyse critique de la littérature sur les transformations des préférences, l’introduction s’attache à dégager les principales motivations philosophiques de la délibération partielle. Le premier chapitre pose les fondations conceptuelles et formelles de cette procédure et présente, tout en les justifiant, les cinq grandes hypothèses psychologiques que suppose cette procédure. Le second chapitre axiomatise cette procédure et fournit une première interprétation du lien qu’elle entretient avec les changements de choix. Il spécifie de deux structures axiologiques sur laquelle se fonde cette procédure : une structure monotonique et une organisation partitionnelle. Le troisième chapitre, s’appuie sur la délibération partielle pour construire une théorie de la manipulation des préférences. L’idée est qu’un envoyeur choisit conjointement un projet et une stratégie de divulgation valeurs afin de manipuler les préférences d’un receveur. J’établis donc un lien entre le modèle développé au chapitre 2, je développe une théorie de la l’empathie imparfaite et de la divulgation séquentielle des valeurs. / This Ph.D. dissertation aims at providing new conceptual and formal tools in order to model preference changes. To do so, I model a mechanism that I refer to as partial deliberation. Partial deliberation is based on the idea that individuals change their preference by becoming aware of new values. Indeed, their awareness allows them either to reject values they were adhering to or to adopt new values. By critically analysis of the literature on preference changes and on rational choice theory, the introduction emphasizes the main philosophical issues of partial deliberation. The first chapter justifies the five psychological hypotheses on which this mechanism relies and discusses their relation with rational choice theory. The second chapter axiomatically deals with partial deliberation and it formalizes two specific structures : a monotonic structure and partitional structure.Then, the third chapter models a situation of preference manipulation, in which a sender jointly chooses a project and a disclosure strategy in order to manipulate the preference of a receiver. With this model, I account for imperfect empathy and sequential disclosure of values.

The thesis discusses the participatory governance establishment in Georgia and Ukraine with a focus on the elements of deliberative public participation. Through the analysis of the established practices of citizen engagement, the research attempts to find out whether Georgia and Ukraine managed to construct the system of the inclusion of the people in policy-making and set up the opportunities for deliberative public participation. The thesis contains the analysis of the legislative frameworks and the implemented Open Government Partnership initiatives in Georgia and Ukraine to find out which platforms of citizen engagement are set up in both countries and identify their character: do these platforms include the elements of deliberative public participation? If yes, to what extent? Each of the main mechanisms of citizen engagement is analysed according to the four categories defined in the evaluation framework. After identifying the level of deliberative public participation in both countries, the thesis discusses the environments both in Georgia and Ukraine to understand which factors underpinned the process of the development of deliberative public participation, and also, which factors held back the progress.

The introduction of the National Policy on Religion and Education (NPRE) in 2003 signalled the intention by government to provide a framework within which educational institutions have to deal with religion issues. The policy was introduced “in recognition that there have been instances in which public education institutions have discriminated on the grounds of religious belief” (NPRE, 2003: 3). Therefore, the policy gives full expression to the invocation of religion in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa and the principles governing religious freedom. It further prescribes, in Sections 58 to 65 (NPRE, DoE, 2003), how school governing bodies (SGBs) should conduct religious observances. The study pursued the answer to the question: “Is the implementation of the policy on religion and education in schools advancing the school community’s right to freedom of religion, belief and opinion as anticipated by the NPRE?” The study examined how SGBS in two rural high schools of the North West Province engaged in the development and implementation of the policy on religion. The research used extensive interviews, questionnaires, document analysis and observations to elicit SGBs’ understanding, views and experiences of the issues of religious values and diversity through the implementation of the policy on religion and education in their schools. This interpretive case study traced the ability of the policy to enhance the school community’s right to freedom for religious belief and expression and freedom from religious coercion and discrimination. The findings of the study reveal a gloomy picture about the extent to which the policy on religion in schools is able to achieve the goals and objectives as intended by the NPRE. Two major challenges emerged; one is the lack of knowledge on the part of parents and learners serving in the SGBs to understand and interpret policy. The second is the minimal involvement of stakeholders in decision-making processes on matters that affect their lives, such as religion. This situation ultimately allows educators and principals to manipulate the environment of policy development and implementation. The result thereof includes the situation where one religion is being given priority over others, adoption of a particular religious character because other stakeholders do not have the knowledge about their religious rights, and the direct and indirect coercion of learners and educators to attend an assembly turned into a mono-religious observance. / Dissertation (MEd)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / gm2014 / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

The thesis HateFree Culture: The importance of agonistic dialogue in mitigating Islamophobia is a case study of the Czech government's campaign against hate crime - HateFree Culture. The thesis deals with the current phenomenon of Islamophobia and identifies how the HateFree Culture initiative works with the topic of Islam in an attempt to alleviate Islamophobic manifestations in society. It examines the extent to which the primary tool of this campaign, a moderated Facebook discussion, can affect Islamophobic expressions and identifies the link between this discussion and deliberative forums. The thesis shows that the various techniques used in the project can positively influence the way in which the topic is discussed and can thus progressively lead to a reduction in the manifestations of Islamophobia in society. This process is discussed in relation to the theory of deliberative democracy. However, it also concerns the theory of agonistic pluralism and an agonistic dialogue. The thesis finds that the aim of the project is promoting the knowledge of Islam and Muslims that could lead to a better mutual understanding, but also to the cultivation of a conflict that is related to the topic in order to transform its character into a less harmful one. HateFree Culture is thus shown as an agonistic...

The thesis deals with the specific problem of Hannah Arendt's positive political project which has never been a central topic for her. She rather reflects political phenomenon from ancient Greek polis to modern times of mass society in the second half of the 20th Century. She assumes that one of the human conditions is acting - political activity. On the one hand, this activity needs a specific space for demonstrating itself. On the other hand, this activity presupposes the equality of acting people. However, these presuppositions have been disfigured during the growth of the society. This thesis examines the positive political project of Hannah Arendt which stands as a remedy of disfigured political space. We start with Arendt's theory of freedom and contrast it with Isaiah Berlin's theory. Then we describe the concept of acting and explain why has been disfigured during modernity. Finally, we show why we can call Arendt's positive political project or regime as a democratic one. We identify two moments (moment of deliberation and moment of participation) which are essential for understanding Arendt's political project. Then we deal with the problem of elites which is explicitly in her thoughts. But we show an interpretation which is based on J. C. Isaac article that real political space for...