by Arnold Barnett and Anthony J. LoFaso. / "March 1984." / Bibliography: p.35.

Based on a discourse analysis of Swedish public investigations regarding immigration detention, this thesis examines the discourses around ‘foreigners’ therein. Rejected asylum-seekers awaiting deportation have gone from being systematically detained in prisons by the police, to instead be confined in detention centres administered by the Swedish Migration Board. Yet, an increased criminalisation is evident. Focusing, in particular, on the legal ambiguity that authorises the detention system to further detain and criminalise asylum seekers, it is argued that the practice of detention can be seen as ‘exceptional’ where discourses of care, suspicion and fear constitute subjectivities such as the ‘identity-less foreigner’, the ‘vulnerable foreigner’, and the ‘dangerous foreigner’.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-03T11:52:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2014-03-26Bitstream added on 2015-03-03T12:06:46Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000806235.pdf: 870509 bytes, checksum: 7451e7181957c41bde5fb50713cb2a0d (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho analisa a política de criminalização da imigração irregular dentro do espaço político e social da União Europeia (UE) a partir dos anos 1990, focando a atenção nos centros de detenção especializados para imigrantes ilegais. Discute-se a crescente proliferação desses espaços de confinamento nos países europeus, no contexto de crise do Estado de Bem Estar Social, como uma construção de resposta política securitária às novas formas de marginalidade geradas pelo capitalismo tardio na era da globalização. Nessa perspectiva, procurou-se investigar o papel que os centros de detenção desempenham no âmbito de um conjunto de medidas de exceção contra os imigrantes indocumentados e irregulares, as quais limitam e obstruem o acesso dos não cidadãos europeus mais pobres aos direitos humanos fundamentais, como o direito de ir e vir, e aos serviços sociais oferecidos à população das sociedades de destino. Para explicar o sentido dessa política de exclusão de direitos, e inserção das categorias de imigrantes, consideradas ilegais, no conjunto de dispositivos de controle governamental em regime fechado, centrou-se atenção no estudo de caso dos Centros de Internamento para Estrangeiros na Espanha, como um exemplo dos espaços de exceção que são instituídos pela política de transformação do modelo de Estado-Providência em um paradigma político de Estado penal e carcerário. Em termos metodológicos, além de uma revisão bibliográfica de textos especializados, realizou-se uma análise de documentos referentes à legislação da UE e à legislação da Espanha, acerca da regulamentação da política migratória levada a cabo pelos países desse bloco político e econômico, e do Estado espanhol, em particular, nas últimas décadas. Na etapa da análise documental, ainda explorou-se, de forma exaustiva, relatórios e estudos de organizações não-governamentais, bem como pareceres da ... / This paper analyzes the policy of criminalization of irregular migration within the political and social space of the European Union (UE) from the 1990s, focusing attention in specialized centres of detention for illegal immigrants. Discusses the growing proliferation of these spaces confinement in European countries, in the context of crisis the State Social Welfare, as a construction of a security policy response to the new forms of marginality generated by late capitalism in the age of globalization. On this perspective, we sought to investigate the role that the detention centers exercise within a set of emergency measures against undocumented and irregular migrants, which restrict and obstruct the access of non-Europeans poorest fundamental human rights, as the right to come and go, and social services offered to the population of the societies of destination. To explain the meaning of this policy of exclusion rights, and inclusion of categories of immigrants, considered illegal in the whole of government devices of control in a closed system, focused attention on the case study of Internment Centres for Foreigners in Spain as an example of spaces of exception that are imposed by the transformation of the welfare state model in a political paradigm of state penal and correctional policy. In methodological terms, further a bibliographic review of specialized texts, we held an analysis of documents relative to legislation of UE and the legislation of Spain, about the regulation of migration policy pursued by countries that political and economic bloc, and of Spanish state, in particularly, in recent decades. In step of document analysis, still explored exhaustively, reports and studies of non-governmental organizations, as well as reports of the United Nations (UN) and the European Parliament, with the intention of to obtain data and identify standpoint of ...

This thesis is a multi-sited ethnography of sub-Saharan migrants' journeys through Libya and by boat to Malta. Its overall aim is to understand how undocumented migrants make and conceptualise their complex journeys through shifting regulatory landscapes. The thesis draws upon, and consequently develops, understandings of migrants' mobilities, both within anthropology and wider migration studies. Over the course of their journey through Libya and Malta, sub-Saharan migrants move across uneven topographies in place and time, from the vast expanse of the Sahara Desert to the turbulent Mediterranean Sea, from situations of detention to everyday houses in society, from the hands of smugglers to the arms of the law. To this end, the thesis is guided by three wider objectives. First, investigating how different forms of mobility are part of migrants' journeys. Second, examining how migrants navigate such journeys. And third, understanding the ways in which migrants encounter and negotiate borders en route. These objectives are engaged with through a multi-sited ethnography tracing migrants' journeys through five contexts: sites of confinement and detention in Libya, everyday spaces of Libyan society, the boat crossing, and finally the legal framework in Malta. These varying contexts prompt comparisons across particular sites, processes and practices on a journey, highlighting elements that might be generalized and those that are specific. The ethnography is presented in five chapters, their sequence mirroring the overall journey of migrants through Libya and Malta. Unpacking the journey and mobility, this thesis develops a set of interrelated arguments. First, it deconstructs the notion of migrants as a homogenized group of people on a linear trajectory aimed at Europe. It goes beyond typologized understandings of migrants, such as legal, illegal, refugee or asylum seeker, that fix migrants into static categories linked to the state or specific crisis situations. Second, it front-stages the journey as a focal point of inquiry, thereby addressing a theme under-acknowledged in the anthropology of mobility and migration. This enables a move beyond state-centric and isolated understandings of migrants' mobilities to one that accounts for the multiplicity of journeys and processes en route. Third, this emphasis on the journey highlights the importance of thinking through relations involving multiple actors and bordering encounters. Taken together, these arguments advance important insights into the anthropologies of mobility and migration. The thesis makes wider contributions by conceptualizing an 'architecture' of the journey, constituted by three inter-related components: mobility, navigation, and borders. They offer a more nuanced understanding of migration and mobility in (post-)conflict settings, one that not only has implications for understanding sub-Saharan migrants' journeys through Libya and by boat to Europe, but one also relevant to other crisis contexts as well.

Each human society creates during its existence a system of reactions against undesirable activities of persons, who break the rules of the smooth passing of a particular community and contravene the standards and values of the community. The view of these reactions {--} punishments, changes over time and also with a respect to culture of the community or the state and its approach to an individual and his rights. In the past, the forms of punishments were, and in some countries still are, mainly primitive, such as amputations of body parts. However, the civilised world, especially, in case of non-arrestable offences, tends to prefer non-custodial service, such as home detention. Home detention as a form of penalty has been used in various alternatives for many years in countries such as Italy, Germany etc. However, the Czech legal system did not allow to impose this penalty until 2010. This form of penalty should facilitate the situation in Czech crowded prisons. It might be imposed on thousands of the sentenced a year and, at the same time, it would save money of the tax payers. The thesis deals with the legislative framework, where the home detention belongs and it is also focused on the fact how the other states, where home detention has been applied for years, have adopted this form of penalty. The objective of the Probation and Media Service of the Czech Republic is also mentioned in this work. The theoretical part of the thesis is divided into two parts {--} the first part deals with the punishment in general, the other one is focused on home detention in particular.

Protective treatment and security detention Abstract The topic of this diploma thesis is two protective measures - protective treatment and security detention. This is a criminal sanction which is legal consequences crime or other offense. Their function is treatment, rectification of the perpetrator and protection of the company against dangerous persons. Due to the number of recent cases when mentally ill offenders commit serious acts of violence after release or escape from protective treatment, is a topical topic. The aim of this thesis is the characterization of protective measures in general and a detailed analysis of the individual aspects of protective treatment and security detention, their storage, performance, duration, change and termination. In the case of protective treatment, I also characterize its forms and types. By analyzing effective regulation, I will evaluate these safeguards in terms of de lege lata and also propose possible measures de lege ferenda. In the introductory chapters I characterize the concept and purpose of the protective measures and also compare them with punishments. I briefly describe the prevention of the matter, the prevention of part of the property and the protective education. I then define the important concepts with which the protective measures work, such as...

Esta dissertação coloca em foco o jovem em conflito com a lei em medida socioeducativa de internação, sendo, essa medida, a resposta estatal mais severa ao cometimento de ato infracional. O recorte é o estado do Rio Grande do Sul. A pesquisa, de cunho qualitativo, foi cartografada entrelaçando e analisando intensidades: as vivenciadas, recordadas por registros fotográficos, da pesquisadora, em uma unidade de atendimento socioeducativo; as que se apresentam nas legislações, através de um panorama histórico mostrando a transição da Doutrina da Situação Irregular para a Doutrina da Proteção Integral, com seus respectivos ordenamentos normativos: os códigos de menores de 1927 e o de 1979, o Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (ECA, lei Federal nº 8.069/1990) e a instituição do Sistema Nacional de Atendimento Socioeducativo (SINASE, Lei 12.594, de 18 de janeiro de 2012). Na análise do que é dito, anunciado, escrito se tratando do jovem em conflito com a lei, entrelaçou-se ainda, a necessidade pela busca de como esse jovem é escrito, anunciado, de forma acessível para a população em geral: mapearam-se, assim, as notícias do periódico de maior circulação do estado, em seu formato on-line, acrescidas, então, à pesquisa. A base teórica se aproxima das perspectivas de Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze e Felix Guattari, dialogando com autores diversos, tais quais: José Machado Pais, Deisemer Gorczevski, João Batista Costa Saraiva, Carmem Craidy, Gislei Lazzaroto, dentre outros Nesta pesquisa, percebem-se diferenças ao que se propõe em lei, à realidade encontrada e, também, ao que se apresenta no dizer social e midiático quanto aos jovens e as medidas socioeducativas de internação. Ao focalizar os modos como os sujeitos são referidos, nomeados, descritos, vê-se significativos avanços nas proposições legais, enquanto, nas notícias do dispositivo analisado, encontra-se indícios da infâmia e a tendência de uma visão pautada no menorismo. Frente a tantas distâncias encontradas, ressalta-se a necessidade de distanciar esses sujeitos do lugar de infame e, por fim, reforça-se a importância de vê-los como jovens, compreendendo as pluralidades, e, empreendendo a eles, suas singularidades, perfomidades, culturas, histórias, vidas. Nesse sentido, destaca-se: embora esses jovens sejam autores de infrações e são sentenciados por isso, também são atores principais de uma família, sendo filho, irmão, mãe, pai, muitas vezes. Tornando-se indispensável, principalmente, vê-los como sujeitos. Sujeitos de direito. Para além das normativas e das notícias infames de suas histórias, mas em sua rede social, de saúde e educação. / This dissertation focuses on the young person in conflict with the law under the socio-educative measure of detention, as this is the most severe state response to an infraction. The profile is the state of Rio Grande Do Sul. The qualitative research was mapped by interweaving and analyzing intensities: those experienced, remembered by photographic records, of the researcher, in a socioeducative care unit; the those that are presented in legislation, through a historical panorama showing the transition from the Doctrine of Irregular Situation to the Doctrine of Integral Protection, with its respective normative ordinances: the juvenile codes from 1927 and 1979, the Child and Adolescent Statute (ECA, Federal Law no. 8,069/1990), and the institution of the National Socio-Educational Service System (SINASE, Law no. 12,594, from January 18, 2012). In the analysis of what is said, announced, and written about the young person in conflict with the law, the need for the search of how this young person is written, announced, in an accessible way to the general population: this is how the news from the biggest newspaper in the state was mapped, from its online format, and then added to the research The theoretical basis approaches the perspectives of Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze, and Felix Guattari, dialoguing with diverse authors, such as José Machado Pais, Deisemer Gorczevski, João Batista Costa Saraiva, Carmem Craidy, Gislei Lazzaroto, amongst others. In this research, differences are perceived in what is proposed in the law, and to the reality, and also, in what it is presented in the social and mediatic saying about the youngsters and the socio-educative measures of internment. By focusing on how subjects are referred to, named, described, significant advances are made in legal propositions, while in the news of the analyzed device there are signs of infamy and the tendency of a view based on minorism. Faced with so many distances found, the need to distance these subjects from the place of infamy is emphasized and, finally, the importance of seeing them as young people, understanding the pluralities, and, by undertaking their singularities, perfomities, cultures, stories, and lives. In this sense, it is noteworthy: although these young people are perpetrators of offenses and sentenced for them, they are also main actors of a family, being sons, brothers, mothers, or fathers. It is mainly indispensable to see them as subjects. Subjects of right, in addition to the regulations and the infamous news stories, but in their social, health and education networks.

O caminho percorrido neste trabalho teve como ponto de partida a exposição dos marcos teóricos do liberalismo clássico e da criminologia positivista, responsáveis pela construção do discurso jurídico-penal que legitima o poder de punir do Estado e da ideologia da defesa social, a qual, em suma, sustenta ser o direito penal uma reação ao comportamento de uma minoria desviante e proteção aos interesses da maioria; ou seja, o crime como um mal e a pena como resposta, remédio, que o Estado está legitimado a ministrar seja como retribuição, seja como contra-estímulo, para restauração da ordem. Ato contínuo, expus como pesquisas realizadas a partir dos aportes teóricos da reação social e, especialmente, da criminologia crítica, foram responsáveis pela deslegitimação daquele discurso e ideologia, revelando a verdadeira e oculta função do sistema penal, sua eficácia invertida: a legitimação e reprodução das assimetrias sociais através do controle social dos extratos mais vulneráveis. A dimensão desta disfunção pode ser medida quando conhecido que cerca de 40% (quarenta por cento), no Brasil, e 60% (sessenta por cento), em Alagoas, dentre todos os encarcerados, experimentam prisão preventiva, número que chama a atenção de criminólogos, mas também de pesquisadores de diversas outras áreas, bem como de uma parcela da sociedade civil, para a opção feita pelo sistema de justiça criminal de privação da liberdade anterior à condenação e, muitas vezes, ao próprio processamento. E, isto, apesar de o discurso declarado ou o conteúdo programático do direito processual brasileiro erigir a presunção de inocência a princípio fundamental, com assento na Constituição Federal e, portanto, como regra que impede o tratamento de culpado àqueles que não tenham sido condenados pela prática de um crime. A partir deste problema, então, realizei a coleta de dados de todos os acórdãos denegatórios de ordem de habeas corpus julgados no período de um ano pela câmara criminal do Tribunal de Justiça de Alagoas, quando estivesse presente no fundamento a necessidade da manutenção da prisão ante a presença dos requisitos autorizadores para decreto; os dados revelaram que a periculosidade do preso, a possibilidade de reiteração delitiva e a gravidade do crime eram os motivos que concentravam a atenção dos magistrados. Desta forma, separei três decisões típicas e, através do método de análise de conteúdo, busquei, para além do conteúdo declarado, aquele outro, não dito, oculto, capaz de revelar o real motivo para o alto número de encarceramento preventivo. Em conclusão, a pesquisa demonstrou que a prisão preventiva tem cumprido uma real função de medida de segurança para imputáveis, considerados perigosos, dando-se elevada importância aos elementos informativos colhidos durante a investigação, posto que a conduta imputada, e reveladora da periculosidade, não é outra senão aquela atribuída pela autoridade policial. Neste sentido, a seletividade policial, realizada, como demonstram os estudos da criminologia crítica sobre os extratos mais débeis e precários da sociedade, é chancelada pela seletividade judicial, que contribui decisivamente para que o sistema penal realize suas reais funções de neutralização e disciplina das classes sociais inferiores / The path this work had as its starting point the exposure of theoretical frameworks of classical liberalism and positivist criminology, responsible for building the legal and criminal speech that legitimizes the power to punish the state and ideology of social defense, which, in short, contends that the criminal law a reaction to the behavior of a deviant minority and protecting the interests of the majority; ie the crime as an evil and off in response, remedy, that the state is legitimized the minister is paid back either as counter-stimulus for restoring order. Immediately thereafter, exposed as research conducted from the theoretical contributions of social reaction and especially of critical criminology, were responsible for the delegitimization of that discourse and ideology, revealing the true and hidden function of the penal system, its inverted effectiveness: the legitimation and reproduction social asymmetries through social control of the most vulnerable strata. The size of this dysfunction can be measured when known that about 40% (forty percent), Brazil, and 60% (sixty percent), Alagoas, of all the prisoners, experience probation, a number that draws attention criminologists, but also of researchers from several other areas as well as a portion of the civil society, the choice made by the criminal justice system of deprivation of liberty prior to sentencing and often the processing itself. And this, despite the declared speech or the curriculum of the Brazilian procedural law erect the presumption of innocence the fundamental principle with seat in the Federal Constitution and therefore, as a rule that prevents the treatment of guilty to those who have not been convicted of commission of a crime. From this problem, then realized the collection of data from all denegatórios judgments of habeas corpus order judged within one year by the criminal chamber of the Court of Alagoas, were present when the foundation the need for prison maintenance ante the presence of authorizers requirements to decree; the data revealed that the "dangerousness of the prisoner," the "possibility of repetition delitiva" and the "gravity of the crime" were the reasons that concentrated the attention of the judges. Thus, separated three typical decisions and through the content analysis method, I looked beyond the declared content, that other, unspoken, hidden, able to reveal the real reason for the high number of preventive imprisonment. In conclusion, the research has shown that pre-trial detention has fulfilled a real security measure attributable to function, considered "dangerous" if giving high importance to the elements of information collected during the investigation, since "its conduct", and revealing the "dangerousness" is none other than that assigned by the police. In this regard, police selectivity held, as shown by studies of critical criminology on the weakest and most precarious strata of society, is sealed by the court selectivity, which contributes decisively to the criminal justice system to hold its real neutralization of functions and discipline of classes lower social.

abstract: This dissertation analyzes the transformation of noncitizen detention policy in the United States over the twentieth century. For much of that time, official policy remained disconnected from the reality of experiences for those subjected to the detention regime. However, once detention policy changed into its current form, disparities between policy and reality virtually disappeared. This work argues that since its inception in the late nineteenth century to its present manifestations, noncitizen detention policy transformed from a form of exclusion to a method of state-sponsored violence. A new periodization based on detention policy refocuses immigration enforcement into three eras: exclusion, humane, and violent. When official policy became state violence, the regime synchronized with noncitizen experiences in detention marked by pain, suffering, isolation, hopelessness, and death. This violent policy followed the era of humane detentions. From 1954 to 1981, during a time of supposedly benevolent national policies premised on a narrative against de facto detentions, Arizona, and the broader Southwest, continued to detain noncitizens while collecting revenue for housing such federal prisoners. Over time increasing detentions contributed to overcrowding. Those incarcerated naturally reacted against such conditions, where federal, state, and local prisoners coalesced to demand their humanity. Yet, when taxpayers ignored these pleas, an eclectic group of sheriffs, state and local politicians, and prison officials negotiated with federal prisoners, commodifying them for federal revenue. Officials then used federal money to revamp existing facilities and build new ones. Receiving money for federal prisoners was so deeply embedded within the Southwest carceral landscape that it allowed for private prison companies to casually take over these relationships previously held by state actors. When official policy changed in 1981, general detentions were used as deterrence to break the will of asylum seekers. With this change, policy and reality melded. No longer needing the pretext of exclusionary rationales nor the fiction of humane policies, the unencumbered state consolidated its official detention policy with a rationale of deterrence. In other words, violence. Analyzing the devolution of noncitizen detention policy provides key insights to understanding its historical antecedents, how this violent detention regime came to be within the modern carceral state, and its implications for the mass incarceration crisis. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation History 2018

Orientador: João Carlos Soares Zuin / Banca: Renata Medeiros Paoliello / Banca: Ígor José de Renó Machado / Resumo: Este trabalho analisa a política de criminalização da imigração irregular dentro do espaço político e social da União Europeia (UE) a partir dos anos 1990, focando a atenção nos centros de detenção especializados para imigrantes ilegais. Discute-se a crescente proliferação desses espaços de confinamento nos países europeus, no contexto de crise do Estado de Bem Estar Social, como uma construção de resposta política securitária às novas formas de marginalidade geradas pelo capitalismo tardio na era da globalização. Nessa perspectiva, procurou-se investigar o papel que os centros de detenção desempenham no âmbito de um conjunto de medidas de exceção contra os imigrantes indocumentados e irregulares, as quais limitam e obstruem o acesso dos não cidadãos europeus mais pobres aos direitos humanos fundamentais, como o direito de ir e vir, e aos serviços sociais oferecidos à população das sociedades de destino. Para explicar o sentido dessa política de exclusão de direitos, e inserção das categorias de imigrantes, consideradas ilegais, no conjunto de dispositivos de controle governamental em regime fechado, centrou-se atenção no estudo de caso dos Centros de Internamento para Estrangeiros na Espanha, como um exemplo dos espaços de exceção que são instituídos pela política de transformação do modelo de Estado-Providência em um paradigma político de Estado penal e carcerário. Em termos metodológicos, além de uma revisão bibliográfica de textos especializados, realizou-se uma análise de documentos referentes à legislação da UE e à legislação da Espanha, acerca da regulamentação da política migratória levada a cabo pelos países desse bloco político e econômico, e do Estado espanhol, em particular, nas últimas décadas. Na etapa da análise documental, ainda explorou-se, de forma exaustiva, relatórios e estudos de organizações não-governamentais, bem como pareceres da ... / Abstract: This paper analyzes the policy of criminalization of irregular migration within the political and social space of the European Union (UE) from the 1990s, focusing attention in specialized centres of detention for illegal immigrants. Discusses the growing proliferation of these spaces confinement in European countries, in the context of crisis the State Social Welfare, as a construction of a security policy response to the new forms of marginality generated by late capitalism in the age of globalization. On this perspective, we sought to investigate the role that the detention centers exercise within a set of emergency measures against undocumented and irregular migrants, which restrict and obstruct the access of non-Europeans poorest fundamental human rights, as the right to come and go, and social services offered to the population of the societies of destination. To explain the meaning of this policy of exclusion rights, and inclusion of categories of immigrants, considered illegal in the whole of government devices of control in a closed system, focused attention on the case study of Internment Centres for Foreigners in Spain as an example of spaces of exception that are imposed by the transformation of the welfare state model in a political paradigm of state penal and correctional policy. In methodological terms, further a bibliographic review of specialized texts, we held an analysis of documents relative to legislation of UE and the legislation of Spain, about the regulation of migration policy pursued by countries that political and economic bloc, and of Spanish state, in particularly, in recent decades. In step of document analysis, still explored exhaustively, reports and studies of non-governmental organizations, as well as reports of the United Nations (UN) and the European Parliament, with the intention of to obtain data and identify standpoint of ... / Mestre