O tema proposto para estudo é investigar, delimitar e compreender os graus de autonomia e interferência existentes dentro do Itamaraty durante o regime militar brasileiro. O objeto central da análise é, para tanto, a vida, carreira e atuação do ex-membro do corpo diplomático brasileiro, Antônio Francisco Azeredo da Silveira, Ministro das Relações Exteriores durante o governo de Ernesto Geisel, entre 1974-1979. As fontes utilizadas são basicamente o arquivo pessoal do diplomata disponibilizado e digitalizado pelo CPDOC/FGV além de documentação oficial da Comissão Nacional da Verdade disponível online, também são consultados periódicos. A base teórica parte de David do Nascimento Batista que aponta como Habitus Diplomático sendo capaz de indicar a reformulação de práticas pela qual o Itamaraty passou durante o regime militar, entretanto, sem encerrar a discussão sobre autonomia e identidade nacional dentro do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, a pesquisa procura ajudar a preencher uma lacuna na historiografia brasileira no que diz respeito a atuação diplomática brasileira durante o regime militar. / The subject proposed for study in this research is to investigate, delimitate and understand the different levels of autonomy and interference that existed inside the Itamaraty during the brazilian dictatorship. The main object of analysis is the life, career and performance of an ex-member of the brazilian diplomacy, Antônio Azeredo da Silveira, Foreign Relations Minister during the administration of Ernesto Geisel, in the years of 1974-1979. The sources used in this investigation are basically the Personal Archive of the diplomat, avaiable and digitalized at CPDOC/FGV. Besides that, are also used offical documents of the Comissão Nacional da Verdade avaiable online, were consulted as well some periodics and secundary sources. The theorical basis have as fundamental mark what David do Nascimento Batista points out as Habitus Diplomático being capable of indicate an reformulation of practices wich Itamaraty had been through during the dictatorship, nevertheless, do not put an end in the discussion about autonomy and national identity. This research intends to help to fullfill an important blank in the brazilian historiography about the performance of the brazilian diplomacy during the dictatorship.

In Argentina, the violence of the recent past has become the central analysis of History and Collective Memory. The crimes and human rights violations that occurred during the last dictatorship (1976-1983) have been the object of dispute. The “two demons” theory that derived from the report of the “National Commission of the Disappeared” assigned equal responsibility to the two parties involved in the conflict: the dictatorship and the militant opposition. The theory positioned Argentinean society as a spectator or victim of the violence. Since the return of democracy in 1983, Argentinean social discourse has shown fluctuations in the conflictive relationship between History and Collective Memory regarding this traumatic time period. The literary discourse, as an integrated part of the social discourse, shares common arguments and topics which are inscribed and transformed in post dictatorship literary texts. This dissertation analyses the fictional representation of History and Collective Memory in four Argentinean novels published between 1995 and 2002: Dos veces junio (2002) by Martín Kohan, El secreto y las voces (2002) by Carlos Gamerro, Ni muerto has perdido tu nombre (2002) and Villa (1995) by Luis Gusmán. I argue that these novels present the necessary equilibrium between the two narrations of the past. By introducing narrating voices outside the dual format of victims and victimizers, the characters seem to extend responsibility for what had happened to other groups of individuals. These novels also introduce the children of the disappeared, who want to recover their “incomplete” family identity. I assert that these characters bring into question the theory of the “two demons”. They signal that there are other protagonists of the crimes: the witnesses who kept silent for many years. The question of social responsibility during the last dictatorship is embedded in the representation of the conflictive relationship between Collective Memory and History. Impunity for the human rights violations intertwines the four novels by highlighting the omission, silence and cowardly attitudes possessed by the characters. Those who witnessed the crimes that erased many identities, and remained silent, share part of the responsibility.

Les libertés publiques ont toujours rencontré des obstacles affectant leur réel exercice en Tunisie. Les transitions démocratiques souvent invoquées par les dirigeants, se sont avérées des périodes au cours desquelles, cet exercice est le plus vulnérable. A chaque période, correspondent des priorités présentées par l’élite dirigeante pour justifier l’ajournement de l’exercice des libertés publiques. Les institutions politiques, l’organisation du pouvoir et le cadre normatif, ne permettent pas de dire qu’ils offrent un terrain favorable aux libertés publiques. Ces d.dernières, sont d’autant plus vulnérables, qu’elles évoluent dans un milieu politico-idéologique peu propice à leur épanouissement. Les affrontements entre les modernistes et les conservateurs, sont la plus part du temps résolus grâce au consensus, fruit d’une alliance entre la modernité et la tradition. Toujours est-il, à chaque ouverture d’une période transitoire, le débat se durcit et aussi la peur de perdre les acquis d’une Tunisie réformiste. / Civil liberties have always meet difficulties to their real exercise in Tunisia. Democratic transitions which are often put forward by political leaders reveal themselves as the most critical periods for freedoms exercise. During each period, priorities are invoked in order to justify delaying the freedom exercise. Political organization and legal rules does not allow affirming that they offer a favorable environment and conditions for freedom exercise. The civil liberties are evolving in a unfavorable ideological and politic context. Confrontations between modernists and conservatives are most of the time avoided by the resort to the agreement in order to reconcile tradition and modernity. Let us underline that at each opening of a transitional period that the debates get harder and the fear losing the rights collectively acquired grows.

The twenty-one years of military dictatorship in Brazil were marked by severe repression as government censors controlled every aspect of the media and artistic production. During these tense years from 1964 to 1985, many journalists, academics, writers, and artists struggled to voice their opposition to oppressive military control. In this same period, many playwrights turned to protest theater as a way to speak out against the dictatorship's abuses. Unsurprisingly, some of the plays produced at this time were heavily censored or shut down. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, a young Brazilianist scholar, Ross "Rusty" Butler, befriended, interviewed, and conducted field research on the phenomena of protest theater while living in Brazil. When Butler was preparing to return to the United States after several unsettling events, a few of his new friends asked him to take their works--including some plays that were unpublished and in manuscript form--out of the country in order to avoid censorship. Now, fifty years later, those plays and manuscripts, along with Butler's other research materials, are finally coming to light in the Rusty Butler Archive. The Rusty Butler Archive demonstrates the complex relationship between the military dictatorship, censorship, and cultural production during the 1960s and 70s.

The transfer of power to African leaders, at the end of the colonial era gave birth to authoritarian regimes. African Nationalist leaders liberated the continent from the chains of colonialism and bound it in the stone walls of authoritarianism and dictatorship. This is because Africa inherited institutions that were meant to be oppressive of the colonised peoples. These institutions had no room for political pluralism, public participation, free speech, a free press, and free movement among other fundamental rights and freedoms that allow for democratic governance to flourish. Without undergoing major transformations, African governments remained a product of their colonial heritage naturally becoming totalitarian, oppressive and undemocratic. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010. / A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Girmachew Aneme of the Faculty of Law, University of Addis-Ababa, Ethiopia. 2010. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The Egyptian authoritarian regime is a mammoth machine created and headed by President Hosni Mubarak as an instrument for the exercise of his own power. His ability to influence every facet of the character of Egypt lies in his previous career experience, the involvement in politics of his immediate family, his commitment to unpopular but lucrative foreign policies, and the bureaucratic obstacle course he created for opposition entities to navigate. Through persistent efforts to prepare himself for national leadership prior to gaining power, then to consolidate his power in the institutions of Egypt, Mubarak has built a state organization with a solid legal basis for suppression of opposition. Using an extensive system of patronage, Mubarak maintains elite support for his continued control of the state. Sustained adherence to the 1979 Egypt-Israel peace treaty brings Egypt significant foreign aid that compensates for some of its economic shortfalls, and affords Mubarak the opportunity to serve as a regional partner in advancing the Middle East Peace Process, reinforcing Mubarak's fitness to rule on the international stage. The maintenance of a pervasive and fiercely loyal security apparatus also gives Mubarak the ability to disrupt any internal opposition activity before it can fully mobilize a call for change. The manner in which Mubarak crafted a democratic facade to cover his authoritarian regime is an artful nod to the Third Wave of democratization; he recognized that to remain in power in the 21st century, Egypt must be perceived as democratic in nature by the international community. That election irregularities, policy barriers to political participation, and single-party control of the legislature prevent the creation of a truly representative government is an important but difficult to prove fact that Mubarak's facade democratic motions are designed to disguise. It is prudent to consider how Mubarak's exit from Egyptian politics will affect the authoritarian system he has built and managed since 1981. The likely accession of his son, Gamal, will keep most power guarantors in place, but the globalizing forces of this century will require a fresh approach to managing domestic, international, and global relations.

El proyecto de investigación "Análisis del discurso periodístico de la prensa peruana en el frustrado levantamiento militar del 13 de noviembre de 1992" tiene el propósito de realizar un análisis en el discurso, como su nombre lo indica, basado en una muestra de los medios nacionales. elegido de una manera completamente aleatoria, con el fin de determinar el tipo de cobertura de los eventos que describen el título. Cabe señalar que los hechos en el asunto de los acontecimientos en el régimen dictatorial de Alberto Fujimori (1992-2000), por lo tanto, como una indicación, también se pretende mostrar si existe alguna relación, desde la situación política, con respecto a los discursos. construido a partir de la prensa seleccionada. Por lo anterior, el trabajo presentado tiene dos capítulos. El primero es un acercamiento a los términos y concepciones que condicionan el discurso, los medios a los hechos, aquellos que han tenido la necesidad actual de profundizar en los derechos más correctos de estas concepciones para, así, comprender la influencia de éstas. mostrado. El segundo, finalmente, planificó, a través de los criterios de evaluación, determinar el tipo de discurso que tuvo lugar durante los eventos, el análisis de estos criterios por cada medio de la muestra. / The research project "Analysis of the journalistic discourse of the Peruvian press in the frustrated military uprising of November 13, 1992" has the purpose of carrying out an analysis in the speech, as its name indicates, based on a sample of the national media, chosen in a completely random manner, in order to determine the type of coverage of the events that describe the title. It should be noted that the facts in the matter of the events in the dictatorial regime of Alberto Fujimori (1992-2000) so, as an indication, it is also intended to show whether there is any relationship, from the political situation, regarding speeches constructed from the selected press. For the above, the work presented has two chapters. The first is an approach to the terms and conceptions that condition the discourse, the means to the facts, those that have had the present need to delve into the most correct rights of these conceptions to, thus, understand the influence of these In the coverage shown. The second, finally, planned, through the evaluation criteria, to determine the type of discourse that took place during the events, the analysis of these criteria by each medium of the sample. / Trabajo de investigación

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This thesis argues that the Maoist guerrilla movement headed by members of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB) chose Araguaia as the stage for its insurrection based on perceived ideological and physical advantages. It examines the founding of the PCdoB as it split from the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) over the issue of armed resistance in 1962. While the PCB did not promote the use of violence against the military dictatorship, the PCdoB sought an environment in which they could foster revolutionary fervor. Though the war’s longevity demonstrates that the PCdoB accurately assessed some camponeses’ willingness to help the guerrilheiros, their inability to foster loyalty within their ranks hindered the party’s mission. The movement’s leaders policed the bodies of pregnant guerrilla members and this lack of reproductive freedom led two members to abandon the revolutionary cause. Pedro Albuquerque Neto and his wife Tereza Cristina successfully abandoned detachment C in favor of keeping their child. Pedro was imprisoned in Fortaleza leading to the discovery of the guerrilla camps in Araguaia and the end to a revolution that never truly got off the ground. Thus, this thesis proposes that while the PCdoB’s choice in Araguaia was thought to garner the best possible opportunity for a rural revolution, their mission to radicalize the camponeses was cut short by the Brazilian Armed Forces in April of 1972.