What shapes a state’s political order after a successful military coup? While the bulk of academic and public perspectives center on the power and preferences of the soldiers physically seizing power, this dissertation argues that civilians should be critical to our analyses of coup politics. Specifically, I use the concept of civilian praetorianism - the process in which civilians instigate or consolidate military coups - as my point of departure. First, I build on recent efforts to delineate military coup agents by rank and identity and present a similar logic to understand the powers and preferences of civilian coup collaborators. Civilian insiders - those tied to the incumbent regime - are well-positioned to coordinate and instigate military coups because of their available elite-based resources. While civilian outsiders - those outside the regime’s orbit - lack access to such resources, they can wield mass-based sources of power to consolidate military coups. Second, I argue that the primary type of civilian collaborator - insiders vs. outsiders - in a given coup shapes the post-coup political order along two critical dimensions: the degree to which an executive can monopolize political power, and whether the new regime seeks to redistribute powers and privileges within the state’s sociopolitical hierarchies. I rely on qualitative and quantitative tools to refine and test these propositions. First, I pair a Most-Similar-Systems Design (MSSD) and within-case process tracing to illustrate the varieties of civilian praetorianism on three coup episodes from post-colonial Sudan (1958; 1969; 1989). Using a wide array of qualitative material from participant testimonies to declassified material from the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the British Foreign Office, I demonstrate that civilian agency plays a critical role in shaping their type of involvement in military coups. Next, I test the broader consequences of civilian involvement on a global sample. Specifically, I develop the first comprehensive dataset on civilian involvement in all successful military coups between 1950 and 2017 to examine the variation in personalization and policy preferences in post-coup states. By demonstrating the salience of civilian agency and involvement in coup politics, this project makes valuable contributions to the study of military coups political instability, and authoritarian politics.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-11-09T10:24:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Wladyr Nader.pdf: 486859 bytes, checksum: 50a20f104591a43ff50a23c0463ad3fd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-09T10:24:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Wladyr Nader.pdf: 486859 bytes, checksum: 50a20f104591a43ff50a23c0463ad3fd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-14 / Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo - PUCSP / The present work is the consequence of a long journey and diverse experiences that resulted in the text Antes que eu perca a cabeça, among other things. Composed and overall published in my blog, the Escrita Blog, the text goes back to the last year of the military dictatorship in Brazil. As a dissertation, I present a non-fiction novel composed by short chapters divided in three parts about the year of 1984 that, in Brasil, represented the begining of a democratic process that, afterall, took an additional year to be materialized. The process of composition of the novel comes from many notes and memories that I conserved from my years as a journalist, passing through almost every year of regime. Lastly, the narrative intend to give my testemony to let us not forget what had happened / O trabalho aqui apresentado é conseqüência de uma longa jornada e de diversas experiências que resultam no texto Antes que eu perca a cabeça, dentre outras coisas. Composto e publicado integralmente em meu blog, o Escrita Blog, o texto retoma o último ano da ditadura militar no Brasil. Como dissertação, apresento o romance-reportagem composto por capítulos breves, dividido em três partes sobre o ano de 1984, que no Brasil representou o início de um processo democrático que, no fim das contas, ainda teria de esperar para se concretizar. O processo de composição do romance é proveniente de diversas anotações e memórias que conservei dos anos de jornalista, que perpassam quase todos os anos do regime. Por fim, a narrativa pretende dar meu testemunho para que não nos esqueçamos do que se passou

Nas últimas décadas, a memória tornou-se um tema de preocupação política central em todo mundo. A produção da memória concretiza-se pelo entrecruzamento de distintas forças sociais que disputam a legitimidade de enunciar os discursos acerca dos acontecimentos do tempo passado. Desse modo, as discussões em torno da elaboração das narrativas de memória têm escapado dos limites da disciplina histórica. Cada vez mais, esse espaço vem sendo ocupado por investigações oriundas de diversas disciplinas e também por outros agentes culturais que se voltam para o passado e para a memória com interesses distintos aos dos historiadores. Um dos veículos produtores dessas narrativas alternativas sobre o passado com maior adesão popular são os meios audiovisuais, especialmente as obras cinematográficas. Na América Latina, após o fim das ditaduras instaladas das décadas de 1960, 1970, que deixaram um legado de violações de direitos humanos em vários países, a memória tornou-se um espaço de disputa e de reconstrução das identidades nacionais. Esta pesquisa busca investigar qual o potencial das obras cinematográficas para intervir na construção de um processo de memória suplementar aos processos de memória oficial. A investigação está concentrada nos contextos do Brasil e do Chile. Partindo das produções fílmicas dos cineastas Lúcia Murat e Pablo Larraín, este trabalho busca analisar como os filmes produzidos por eles, que recriam nas telas as ditaduras brasileira e chilena, atuam no processo de construção das narrativas sobre as experiências ditatoriais, contribuindo assim para os processos de reparação histórica em andamento na atualidade nesses países. / In recent decades, the memory has become a central policy concern all over the world. The production of memory takes place through different social forces that disput the legitimacy of stating the public discourses about the past time. Thus, the production of narratives about the past has escaped from the limits of the historical discipline and, increasingly, other disciplines and cultural agents who turn to the past with distinct interests than historians have occupied this space of investigation. One of producing vehicles of such alternative narratives about the past is the audiovisual with large popular accession, especially cinematographic works. In Latin America, after the end of the dictatorships installed in the 1960s, 1970s, which left a legacy of human rights violations in various countries, the memory became an area of dispute and reconstruction of national identities. This research investigates which are the film's potential to intervene in the construction of an additional memory to the process of construction of the official memory. This research is concentrated in the cases of Brazil and Chile. Starting from the filmic productions of filmmakers Lucia Murat and Pablo Larraín, this paper analyzes how the films produced by them, that recreate the Brazilian and Chilean dictatorships, act in the construction of narratives about the dictatorial experiences, thereby contributing to building the historical repair processes.

Nas últimas décadas, a memória tornou-se um tema de preocupação política central em todo mundo. A produção da memória concretiza-se pelo entrecruzamento de distintas forças sociais que disputam a legitimidade de enunciar os discursos acerca dos acontecimentos do tempo passado. Desse modo, as discussões em torno da elaboração das narrativas de memória têm escapado dos limites da disciplina histórica. Cada vez mais, esse espaço vem sendo ocupado por investigações oriundas de diversas disciplinas e também por outros agentes culturais que se voltam para o passado e para a memória com interesses distintos aos dos historiadores. Um dos veículos produtores dessas narrativas alternativas sobre o passado com maior adesão popular são os meios audiovisuais, especialmente as obras cinematográficas. Na América Latina, após o fim das ditaduras instaladas das décadas de 1960, 1970, que deixaram um legado de violações de direitos humanos em vários países, a memória tornou-se um espaço de disputa e de reconstrução das identidades nacionais. Esta pesquisa busca investigar qual o potencial das obras cinematográficas para intervir na construção de um processo de memória suplementar aos processos de memória oficial. A investigação está concentrada nos contextos do Brasil e do Chile. Partindo das produções fílmicas dos cineastas Lúcia Murat e Pablo Larraín, este trabalho busca analisar como os filmes produzidos por eles, que recriam nas telas as ditaduras brasileira e chilena, atuam no processo de construção das narrativas sobre as experiências ditatoriais, contribuindo assim para os processos de reparação histórica em andamento na atualidade nesses países. / In recent decades, the memory has become a central policy concern all over the world. The production of memory takes place through different social forces that disput the legitimacy of stating the public discourses about the past time. Thus, the production of narratives about the past has escaped from the limits of the historical discipline and, increasingly, other disciplines and cultural agents who turn to the past with distinct interests than historians have occupied this space of investigation. One of producing vehicles of such alternative narratives about the past is the audiovisual with large popular accession, especially cinematographic works. In Latin America, after the end of the dictatorships installed in the 1960s, 1970s, which left a legacy of human rights violations in various countries, the memory became an area of dispute and reconstruction of national identities. This research investigates which are the film's potential to intervene in the construction of an additional memory to the process of construction of the official memory. This research is concentrated in the cases of Brazil and Chile. Starting from the filmic productions of filmmakers Lucia Murat and Pablo Larraín, this paper analyzes how the films produced by them, that recreate the Brazilian and Chilean dictatorships, act in the construction of narratives about the dictatorial experiences, thereby contributing to building the historical repair processes.

The text of the dissertation includes the effort to dialogue with the historiography about the History of the Chilean Dictatorship, also with historical theorists who deal with the paths of memory, relating it with reports made by survivors and characters of the dictatorships in the Southern Cone and in the case Of this dissertation, the Chilean Civil-Military Dictatorship (set./1973 to march/1990). And it ends with the audio-visual and biographical production already existing of the testimonies of several organizations, to explain how the clandestine happened in the country. The analysis was based on the questioning of the writing of the report, asking what and for whom it is addressed, as well as on the role of memory and its collaboration in clarifying the facts that occurred in a period of strong repression. Some survivors of human rights violations narrated their experiences from their understandings and emotions. Within this approach, the role of the State is also analyzed as a fundamental part in this process of reflection on dictatorial processes. For it is through the use and abuse of power that repression and violence are unleashed, knowing that such acts have become publicly known, when democracy is restored, and even before it, by the collaboration of those who have survived and prepared to recall the moments of clandestinity. This dissertation ends the activities carried out in the Post-Graduate Program in History of the Federal University of Santa Maria. This research focused on the area "History, Power and Culture". The research line "Culture, Migrations and Labor" collaborated in the discussion about the transformations of a society, with radical changes in its daily life, due to the Armed Forces' takeover of power, when a group of people came to live, from the coup, into the clandestinity. The objective was to interpret the works of memory in a sense of recognition and construction of the multiple Chilean identities, from the moment they arise, at the beginning of the 21st century, analyzing its documentary character for historiography. Thus, an analysis of the performance of human rights was made, starting in the 1990s, and how they became fundamental to achieve the objectives of these memories, a theme that circulates in the justification of the work, guaranteeing the prevalence of human rights in Societies that experienced great ruptures. / O texto da dissertação compreende o esforço de dialogar com a historiografia acerca da História da Ditadura Chilena, também com teóricos da História que tratam sobre os caminhos da memória, relacionando-a com relatos feitos por sobreviventes e personagens das ditaduras no Cone Sul e no caso desta dissertação, a Ditadura Civil-Militar Chilena (set./1973 a março/1990). E se encerra com a produção áudio-visual e biográfica já existente dos testemunhos de diversas organizações, para explicar como se deu a clandestinidade no país. A análise foi feita a partir do questionamento da escrita do relato, indagando para que e para quem ele se dirige, assim como sobre o papel da memória e sua colaboração no esclarecimento dos fatos ocorridos em um período de forte repressão. Alguns sobreviventes das violações dos direitos humanos narraram suas experiências, a partir dos seus entendimentos e emoções. Dentro deste enfoque, também é analisado o papel do Estado como parte fundamental neste processo de reflexão sobre processos ditatoriais. Pois é através do uso e abuso de poder que se desencadeia a repressão e a violência, sabendo que tais atos tornaram-se conhecidos publicamente, quando se restaura a democracia, e até antes dela, pela colaboração daqueles que sobreviveram e se dispuseram a relembrar os momentos de clandestinidade. Esta dissertação encerra as atividades desempenhadas no Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da Universidade Federal de Santa Maria. Esta pesquisa ficou centrada na área “História, Poder e Cultura”. A linha de pesquisa “Cultura, Migrações e Trabalho” colaborou para a discussão sobre as transformações de uma sociedade, com mudanças radicais em seu cotidiano, em virtude da tomada de Poder por parte das Forças Armadas, quando um grupo de pessoas passou a viver, a partir do Golpe, na clandestinidade. O objetivo foi o de interpretar as obras de memória em um sentido de reconhecimento e construção das múltiplas identidades chilenas, a partir do momento em que elas surgem, no início do século XXI, analisando seu caráter documental para a historiografia. Assim, foi feita uma análise da atuação dos direitos humanos, a partir dos anos de 1990, e como eles tornaram-se fundamentais para se alcançar os objetivos destas memórias, tema este que circula na justificativa do trabalho, garantindo a prevalência dos direitos humanos em sociedades que vivenciaram grandes rupturas.

Nas últimas décadas, a memória tornou-se um tema de preocupação política central em todo mundo. A produção da memória concretiza-se pelo entrecruzamento de distintas forças sociais que disputam a legitimidade de enunciar os discursos acerca dos acontecimentos do tempo passado. Desse modo, as discussões em torno da elaboração das narrativas de memória têm escapado dos limites da disciplina histórica. Cada vez mais, esse espaço vem sendo ocupado por investigações oriundas de diversas disciplinas e também por outros agentes culturais que se voltam para o passado e para a memória com interesses distintos aos dos historiadores. Um dos veículos produtores dessas narrativas alternativas sobre o passado com maior adesão popular são os meios audiovisuais, especialmente as obras cinematográficas. Na América Latina, após o fim das ditaduras instaladas das décadas de 1960, 1970, que deixaram um legado de violações de direitos humanos em vários países, a memória tornou-se um espaço de disputa e de reconstrução das identidades nacionais. Esta pesquisa busca investigar qual o potencial das obras cinematográficas para intervir na construção de um processo de memória suplementar aos processos de memória oficial. A investigação está concentrada nos contextos do Brasil e do Chile. Partindo das produções fílmicas dos cineastas Lúcia Murat e Pablo Larraín, este trabalho busca analisar como os filmes produzidos por eles, que recriam nas telas as ditaduras brasileira e chilena, atuam no processo de construção das narrativas sobre as experiências ditatoriais, contribuindo assim para os processos de reparação histórica em andamento na atualidade nesses países. / In recent decades, the memory has become a central policy concern all over the world. The production of memory takes place through different social forces that disput the legitimacy of stating the public discourses about the past time. Thus, the production of narratives about the past has escaped from the limits of the historical discipline and, increasingly, other disciplines and cultural agents who turn to the past with distinct interests than historians have occupied this space of investigation. One of producing vehicles of such alternative narratives about the past is the audiovisual with large popular accession, especially cinematographic works. In Latin America, after the end of the dictatorships installed in the 1960s, 1970s, which left a legacy of human rights violations in various countries, the memory became an area of dispute and reconstruction of national identities. This research investigates which are the film's potential to intervene in the construction of an additional memory to the process of construction of the official memory. This research is concentrated in the cases of Brazil and Chile. Starting from the filmic productions of filmmakers Lucia Murat and Pablo Larraín, this paper analyzes how the films produced by them, that recreate the Brazilian and Chilean dictatorships, act in the construction of narratives about the dictatorial experiences, thereby contributing to building the historical repair processes.

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-10-10T15:59:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LUCÉLIA NÁRJERA DE ARAÚJO - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGH 2013..pdf: 2054381 bytes, checksum: 803544b6f76d6efd717b1409e3b1843e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-10T15:59:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LUCÉLIA NÁRJERA DE ARAÚJO - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGH 2013..pdf: 2054381 bytes, checksum: 803544b6f76d6efd717b1409e3b1843e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-29 / Neste trabalho analisamos as transformações socioculturais vivenciadas pelos estudantes da FAFI e UFPI em Teresina entre os anos de 1964 a 1975. O recorte temporal foi assim delimitando porque nesse período o Brasil estava vivenciando uma efervescência cultural e ao mesmo tempo um cenário político conturbado marcado pela ditadura militar, que favoreceu a emergência de uma militância estudantil no meio universitário. Desta forma problematizamos como a juventude universitária de Teresina experimentou esses anos e recepcionou novos saberes, práticas, valores e comportamentos diante do discurso disciplinar da ditadura militar e das mudanças culturais que emergiram no período. Para tanto fizemos uma análise da configuração do ensino superior em Teresina. Em seguida, analisamos as táticas de resistência empreendidas pelos jovens para contestar as estratégias dos militares e, por fim como os jovens se conectaram com as novidades que circulavam no Brasil. Metodologicamente utilizamos as fontes hemerográficas pesquisadas no Arquivo Público do Piauí, Arquivo do Jornal O Dia, Arquivo da Cúria Metropolitana. Usamos os jornais O Dia, O Estado e O Dominical, empregamos ainda a metodologia da história oral, coletamos entrevistas de sujeitos que estudaram na FAFI, visando perceber como eles significam sua vivência e experiência desse período. O trabalho está ambientado na História Cultural, tendo como aporte teórico-metodológico Michel de Certeau sua concepção de táticas e estratégias, Roger Chartier a noção de recepção, Halbwachs para pensarmos a questão da memória coletiva. Através desta pesquisa foi possível visualizar as especificidades da militância universitária em Teresina, as lutas e táticas empreendidas pelos estudantes para contestar a ordem estabelecida e os comportamentos juvenis configurados a partir da recepção das mudanças culturais vivenciadas no Brasil. / In this study we analyzed the socio-cultural transformations experienced by students at FAFI and UFPI in Teresina between the years 1964 and 1975. The time frame was thus outlining because in this period Brazil was experiencing a cultural effervescence and, at the same time, a troubled political scenario marked by the military dictatorship that favored the emergence of a student militancy at the universities. Thus it was discussed how the college youth in Teresina experienced these years and welcomed new knowledge, practices, values and behaviors before the disciplinary discourse of military dictatorship and the cultural changes that emerged in the period. Therefore we analyzed the configuration of higher education in Teresina. Then we analyzed the tactics of resistance undertaken by young people to challenge the strategies of the military and ultimately how young people have connected with the news circulating in Brazil. Methodologically we used sources surveyed in the Public Archives of Piaui, O Dia Newspaper Archive, Cúria Metropolitana Archive. We used the newspapers O Dia, O Estado and O Dominical, and also used the methodology of oral history, collected interviews from people who studied at FAFI, aiming to understand how they signify their living and experience of that period. The work is set in the Cultural History, with the theoretical and methodological contribution of Michel de Certeau with his conception of tactics and strategies, Roger Chartier’s notion of reception, and Halbwachs to think through the issue of collective memory. Through this research it was able to see the specifics of the university militancy in Teresina, the struggles and tactics undertaken by students to challenge the established order and the juvenile behavior configured from receipt of the cultural changes experienced in Brazil.

Cette thèse analyse l’articulation de l’expérience de la perte d’expérience à laquelle donnent lieu les dictatures et les post-dictatures au Chili et en Argentine dans Lumpérica (1983) de Diamela Eltit, Los planetas (1999) de Sergio Chejfec, et Los rubios (2003) d’Albertina Carri. Les dernières dictatures militaires dans le Cône sud latino-américain imposent ou préparent le terrain pour l’implantation d’un nouvel ordre néolibéral qui s’intensifie sous les régimes démocratiques postérieurs. Au cours de cette transition, le terrorisme d’État au moyen duquel les gouvernements militaires visent à éliminer toute forme de résistance à la reconfiguration de la société nécessaire à la mise en place de politiques néolibérales, donne lieu à une expérience inédite, difficile à communiquer. De plus, autant les dictatures que les démocraties post-dictatoriales mettent en oeuvre des mécanismes d’oubli du passé, soit par la répression, le consensus politique ou les moyens de communication de masse. C’est dans ce contexte que l’expérience disparaît. Le questionnement sur l’expérience de la perte d’expérience est basé principalement sur deux axes théoriques: le concept de transition de l’État au Marché dans le Cône sud latino-américain développé par des intellectuels tels que Willy Thayer, Idelber Avelar ou Brett Levinson, parmi d’autres, ainsi que sur les réflexions sur l’expérience dictatoriale de Sergio Rojas et sur la crise de l’expérience dans la modernité de Walter Benjamin. Le premier chapitre, dédié à Lumpérica, interprète le rituel nocturne où la protagoniste, une femme appelée L. Iluminada, séduit le protagoniste masculin du roman, un panneau électrique appelé “el luminoso” qui projette des messages publicitaires au milieu d’une place publique de Santiago, pour que celui-ci la blesse et marque sa peau, comme la mise en scène d’un “désir photographique” de garder une empreinte de la transition que d’autres moyens de communication tendent à effacer. Le deuxième chapitre traite de la figuration de l’excès dans Los planetas et analyse comment l’écriture, la photographie et l’espace urbain, en assumant une fonction de suppléments de la voix et de la présence de M, séquestré et disparu pendant la dictature argentine, rendent compte de l’expérience de la perte de l’expérience d’une plénitude. Après avoir exposé le rôle des jouets dans la polémique générée par Los rubios, le troisième chapitre analyse comment le film de Carri sur la mémoire de ses parents disparus transmet l’expérience des générations post-dictatoriales et fait face à l’héritage du passé par le jeu. / This thesis analyzes how Diamela Eltit’s Lumpérica (1983), Sergio Chejfec’s Los planetas (1999), and Albertina Carri’s Los rubios (2003) articulate the experience of the loss of experience resulting from the dictatorships and post-dictatorships in Chile and Argentina. The last military dictatorships in the Southern Cone either impose or prepare the ground for the establishment of a new neoliberal order that deepens and intensifies with later democratic regimes. In this transition, the military governments deploy strategies of State terrorism that aim to eliminate all forms of resistance to the social reconfiguration necessary for the implementation of neoliberal politics, giving rise to an unprecedented kind of experience that is difficult to communicate. Moreover, both the dictatorships and the post-dictatorial democracies adopt strategies of forgetting, through either repression, political consensus or mass media communications. It is in this context that experience disappears. The discussion on experience of the loss of experience is based mainly on the concept of transition from State to Market in Latin America’s Southern Cone developed by thinkers such as Willy Thayer, Idelber Avelar or Brett Levinson, among others, as well as on Sergio Rojas’s considerations on dictatorial experience and on Walter Benjamin’s reflections on the crisis of experience in modern life. The first chapter, dedicated to Lumpérica, analyzes a nocturnal ritual where the protagonist, a woman named L. Iluminada, seduces the male protagonist, an electric billboard called “el luminoso” that projects publicity messages in the middle of a public square in Santiago; she hopes to make him wound and mark her skin, staging a “photographic desire” to keep a trace of the transition that other media push towards forgetting and erasure. The second chapter focuses on the figuration of excess in Los planetas, analyzing how writing, photography and urban space act as supplements to the voice and to the presence of M, a young man who disappeared during the Argentinian dictatorship, thus accounting for the loss of experience. After revisiting the debate incited by Los rubios, much of which centred on the film’s polemic use of toys, the third chapter analyzes how Carri’s film about the memory of her disappeared parents transmits the experience of post-dictatorial generations and confronts the heritage of the past through play. / En esta tesis se analiza la articulación de la experiencia de la pérdida de experiencia a la que dan lugar las dictaduras y las postdictaduras en Chile y Argentina, en Lumpérica (1983) de Diamela Eltit, Los planetas (1999) de Sergio Chejfec, y Los rubios (2003) de Albertina Carri. Las últimas dictaduras militares en el Cono Sur imponen o preparan el terreno para la implantación de un nuevo orden neoliberal que se intensifica durante los regímenes democráticos posteriores. En esta transición, el terrorismo de Estado mediante el cual los gobiernos militares buscan eliminar toda forma de resistencia a la reconfiguración de la sociedad que requiere la implementación de las políticas neoliberales, da lugar a una experiencia inédita, difícil de comunicar. Por otro lado, tanto las dictaduras como las democracias postdictatoriales ponen en marcha mecanismos de olvido del pasado, ya sea mediante la represión, el consenso político o los medios de comunicación de masas. Es en este contexto que la experiencia desaparece. Las premisas teóricas en que se basa el cuestionamiento sobre la experiencia de la pérdida de experiencia son el concepto de transición del Estado al Mercado en el Cono Sur latinoamericano desarrollado por intelectuales como Willy Thayer, Idelber Avelar o Brett Levinson, entre otros, así como las reflexiones sobre la experiencia dictatorial de Sergio Rojas y sobre la crisis de la experiencia en la modernidad de Walter Benjamin. El primer capítulo, dedicado a Lumpérica, interpreta el ritual nocturno en el que la protagonista, una mujer llamada L. Iluminada, seduce al protagonista masculino de la novela, un cartel eléctrico llamado “el luminoso” que proyecta avisos comerciales en el centro de una plaza de Santiago, para que este la hiera y marque su piel, como la puesta en escena de un “deseo fotográfico” de guardar una huella de la transición que otros medios tienden a borrar. El segundo capítulo enfoca la figuración del exceso en Los planetas y analiza cómo la escritura, la fotografía y el espacio urbano, al adquirir en la novela una función de suplementos de la palabra viva y de la presencia de M, secuestrado y desaparecido durante la dictadura argentina, dan cuenta de la experiencia de la pérdida de la experiencia de una plenitud. Después de exponer el rol de los juguetes en la polémica generada por Los rubios, el tercer capítulo analiza cómo el film de Carri sobre la memoria de sus padres montoneros desaparecidos transmite la experiencia de las generaciones postdictatoriales y se enfrenta al legado del pasado mediante el juego.

The urban landscapes of Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay lay bare the markings of these countries‘ turbulent political and economic pasts, their transition to democracy, and diverse efforts to preserve memory. Claudia Feld‘s observation that these countries have experienced a 'memory boom‘—not a deficit—in recent years manifests itself as much culturally and politically as it does spatially, through the creation of memorials, memory parks, museums, and memory-related performances and discourses. Along these same lines, narratives of memory recur among artistic and cultural works of the post-dictatorial Southern Cone—not exclusively among memorials and other designated sites of recollection, but along the everyday corridors and causeways of some of South America‘s most populous cities, and rather unexpectedly, among seemingly generic sites of consumerism and transit. In fact, my reading of literary and cinematic works by Alberto Fuguet, Sergio Chejfec, Ignacio Agüero, and Fabián Bielinsky, and my examination of Uruguay‘s Punta Carretas Shopping Center, suggests that memory has not been easily corralled into designated sites nor erased through modern spaces and lifestyles; instead, each of the works analyzed in this study reveals that palimpsests of memory can appear often and, in many cases, spontaneously among all angles of the cityscape.

The target of this assignment is to answer the question why Egypt has not succeeded to become a democracy when Israel has. The method of this assignment has been a comparable study where Larry Diamond’s internal and external factors have been used to compare why Egypt has not become a democracy when Israel has. The result shows that Egypt is not democratic because of several reasons, such as a big and influential military, unfair civil society, national insecurity, non-democratic leaders, wars and an unsuccessful consolidation of the democratic influences, especially after the Arabic spring in the early 21st century. Israel, on the other hand, is a democracy due to its successful democratic institutions, a functional civil society and with democratic influences from the western world such as the EU and USA. Israel’s “ethnic” democracy is not perfect though and have hinders such as discrimination and a limited democratic leadership but compared to Egypt, the country has become a stable democracy, in a region that is mostly surrounded by undemocratic regimes.