<p>I study three contemporary Chilean works of visual culture that appropriate and re-assemble visual material, discourse, and atmosphere from the bureaucracy of the military state. I examine Diamela Eltit’s textual performance of legal discourse in Puño y letra (2005); Guillermo Núñez’s testimonial art Libertad Condicional (1979-1982) based on the documents pertaining to his imprisonment, parole and forced exile; and Pablo Larraín’s fictional film Post Mortem (2010) inspired by Salvador Allende’s autopsy report. I argue that they employ a framework that exposes both the functional and aesthetic modes of bureaucracy complicit in state terror that operate within the spectacular and the mundane. Furthermore, I trace bureaucracy’s origins from the founding of the nation to its current practices that enabled the societal conditions for dictatorship and continue to uphold dictatorial legacies into the present.</p><p>In my analysis, I engage theories from performance, legal and media studies to interpret how Eltit critiques the press coverage of human rights trials, Núñez informs institutionalized preservation of memory, and Larraín demonstrates the power of fiction in our documentary reconstruction of the past. I conclude by arguing that this examination of bureaucracy is imperative because state bureaucracy anchors vestiges of the dictatorship that persist into the present such as the dictatorship-era constitution and the newly revived preventative control of identity documentation law.</p> / Dissertation

This essay analyzes in a comparative manner, the cases of Argentina and Uruguay regarding the amnesty laws that both issued to members of the armed forces after the transition to democracy from the authoritarian regime, for violations of human rights committed during the military dictatorship. The research seeks to understand the causes that have made the amnesty law in Argentina from 1986 and 1987, together with the presidential pardoning of 1989 to be declared unconstitutional in 2005 and 2007 by the Argentinian Supreme Court, while the Uruguayan amnesty law issued in 1986 is at the time when this research was made still in force. The focus of this study relies on four main actors that have made an impact on this issue: the Executive; the Supreme Court; the Inter-American system of Human Rights; and the human rights movement. Our research intakes a qualitative nature that is the most appropriate method for this kind of study. A comparative methodology is developed studying the cases of Argentina and Uruguay in order to outline similarities and differences between them both, which let us see the different variables that both cases have in an effort to better understand the causes that led to different outcomes regarding the present legal status of the amnesty laws. This essay utilizes as its theoretical framework, theories of Transitional Justice and Human Rights from below, which are applied to the material presented in both cases. In Argentina, the Supreme Court, the Executive, the human rights movement and the Inter-American system of Human Rights, have worked together in the last decade to abolish the amnesty laws and the pardoning in the country. The Supreme Court in Uruguay acting against the Executive power in the last time is seen as a keen factor to why the amnesty law is still in force today. Here, the referendums in 1989 and 2009 supporting the further upholding of the law influenced the decision of the Supreme Court, and also made a negative impact in the human rights movement.

Jiří Pilip Prague 9, District committee, Czechoslovak communist party, Trade union, Social structure English abstrakt The diploma thesis deals with structure of communist party and trade union in district of Prague 9, District committe of Communist party itself, Application of communist party mechanism on trade unions and other parts of mass social organisation on Prague 9 as Czechoslovak youth union, Czechoslovak- soviet friendship union , Local action committee of national union.

Diploma thesis focus on depicting functions of Local comitee oc Comunistic party of Czechoslovakia in district of Prague 9 on local level. It describe processes which had preceded its own decision on particular events as seizure of power by Czechoslovak Communist Party in February 1948. It centres on the issues solved by CCP as party education process or different variety of work initiatives as well as relationshisp between CCP Prague 9 and other organization anticipated on the process. Key words Communist party of Czechoslovakia, Prague 9 district, Work initiatives, , party education, social organisation,

(in English) The thesis discusses the government of the most recent military dictatorship in Argentina in 1976-1983. The first chapter defines the basic concepts that are important for the proper interpretation of the work and provides a brief overview of the political developments and the situation in the country in the 20th century that preceded the last military coup. The main part of the thesis gives the characteristics of the period 1976-1983, that is rise to power, action and fall of the military dictatorship with a reflection of the development of relations with the USA and Argentina in this period of time. It also delivers a view of the Falklands War, which accelerated the transition from dictatorship to democracy in Argentina. The work also includes insight into the present in the context of the impact of the seven-year military junta to Argentine society as well as the question of the future of the islands, in the context of the continuing recognition of Argentina's claims to sovereignty over the islands.

Ma thèse porte sur l'oeuvre de l'écrivain uruguayen Carlos Liscano (Montevideo, 1949) et sur les rapports de celle-ci avec la dictature uruguayenne (1973-1985). Après avoir présenté la société uruguayenne des années soixante et soixante-dix à partir de la notion de crise et le groupe révolutionnaire Tupamaro auquel Liscano a appartenu, il s'agira de comprendre de quelle façon l'écrivain devient sujet par l'écriture de tout ce qu'il a vécu. Pour comprendre cela, deux images, qui se complètent l'une et l'autre, sont le fil directeur de ma thèse : l'écriture comme un sillon et comme une spirale. Ainsi, dans le chapitre 1 (L'écriture en prison : 1981-1985), j'analyse les conditions dans lesquelles l'homme est devenu écrivain à la prison et la relation entre le délire et l'écriture ; dans le deuxième chapitre (La vie en Suède : 1986-1996), j'étudie l'écrivain et sa relation avec le public, la réception de son oeuvre par la critique uruguayenne et la négation par l'écrivain de l'adjectif "carcéral" que la critique a associé à sa littérature. Je m'interroge là sur le fait que l'écrivain ne soit parvenu à produire des récits de fiction que lorsqu'il habitait en Suède. Dans le troisième chapitre (Le retour en Uruguay) j'essaie de comprendre la décision de rentrer en Uruguay et pour cela, je décrypterai l'unique témoignage de Liscano au sein du développement d'un nouveau genre en Uruguay, à l'époque de la postdictature. je propose également d'étudier les romans d'autofiction en rapport lien avec la dimension civique et publique de la vie de l'écrivain depuis son retour. Enfin ,je finis avec une étude du travail de réécriture que l'auteur pratique depuis toujours. / This thesis attempts to analyze Carlos Liscano's literature both itself and as it relates to the Uruguayan dictatorship of the period 1973-1985. In a first section of the introduction, Uruguayan society of the sixties and seventies is characterized starting from the notion of crisis, and outlining some features of the revolutionary group the author belonged to ; in a second section, the key notion of this thesis is presented : that writing is how the author makes himself a subject of lived experience. Two complementary images are the guiding thread of this approach to Liscano's work : that of writing as a furrow, and the spiral. In chapter 1 the emergence of the writer in prison and the relation between delirium and writing is analyzed. In the second chapter the public confirmation of the writer starting from his life in Sweden, the first reception of his work, and his rejection of the "prison litetrature" label attributed to it.. An attempt is made to answer why his narrative production came during his life in Sweden, suggesting it may be related with the estrangement that comes from living in two languages. In the third chapter the author's decision to return to Uruguay and its meaning is discussed. The only testimony book to address the development of the genre in post-dictatorship Uruguay is analyzed. The writer's recovered civic dimension is discussed as one of the paths that lead to his discovery of autofiction. The possibility of setting a limit to the autofiction form and the opening towards a plagiarism aesthetic is entertained. Lastly, an analysis of rewriting is presented, although it is a permanent feature in Liscano's work.

Artist communities are often the first in revolting within a repressive society in the outer marginal borders of state control. This silent revolt takes place in the time period before larger oppositional movements gain momentum. However, the research has been scarce, especially when looking at the specific circumstance of the 17 years long Chilean dictatorship and the social influence that the artists had during this period. This Bachelor thesis will treat the subject and time period from a specific cultural angle, namely the effect the artistic production made by a specific art group, Colectivo de Acciones de Arte (henceforth named CADA) had on the social, and in effect, political discourse in society. CADA, a group of four Chilean artists, sociologists and writers, started collaborating in 1979, applying their artistic endeavors within a social practice that intended to interrupt and challenge the normalized routines of daily life during the Pinochet dictatorship – by utilizing semiotics and signs to reorganize and transform urban behaviors and social discourse. To illustrate the conversation CADAs production held, I will analyze two art works from their total oeuvre, as I am interested in researching the forbidden discourse that the artist movement conducted in Chile at this particular time. During the dictatorship, the official politics regressed to favor cultural symbols and expressions with a patriotic, nationalist and conservative message. This thesis wants to investigate the clash between the rules imposed by the ruling military regime and the actual art scene in Chile.

Essa pesquisa analisa três dos filmes do diretor de cinema brasileiro Joaquim Pedro de Andrade: O padre e a moça (1965), Os inconfidentes (1972) e Guerra conjugal (1975). Tivemos em vista, para essas análises, as imagens melancólicas de nação que o diretor realiza a partir de uma ideia de trauma, que se funde à história do país. Estudamos, pois, como essas imagens nos filmes constroem uma representação do Brasil, feita de violência e repressão verificamos, para isso, como é expresso o contexto de realização dos filmes: a ditadura militar brasileira. Partimos da relação entre a fragmentação, tanto narrativa, quanto formal, que esses trabalhos propõem em relação a esses contextos, revisitando o conceito de melancolia, para associar a crise da representação com o processo histórico do país notadamente violento. Debruçamo-nos sobre os estudos de autores como Jeanne Marie Gagnebin, Jaime Ginzburg e Walter Benjamin para compor uma análise em mosaico dos filmes, nessa investigação sobre o desassossego da linguagem em nomear o passado. Ao nos aproximarmos dos três filmes também melancolicamente já que esse é o olhar que propomos nas análises, identificado como característica dos filmes reafirmamos nossa crença de que a linguagem não se rende ao impossível, à constatação de que o real é irrepresentável. / This research analyzes three of the films of the Brazilian film director Joaquim Pedro de Andrade: The Priest and the Girl (1965), The Conspirators (1972) and Conjugal Warfare (1975). We have in view, for these analyzes, the melancholy images of nation that the director realizes from an idea of trauma, that fuses to the history of the country. We study, therefore, how these images in the films construct a representation of Brazil, made of violence and repression we verify for this, as it expresses the context of realization of the films: the Brazilian military dictatorship. We start from the relationship between the fragmentation, both narrative and formal, that these works propose in relation to these contexts, revisiting the concept of melancholy, to associate the crisis of representation with the historical process of the country notably violent. We focus on the studies of authors such as Jeanne Marie Gagnebin, Jaime Ginzburg and Walter Benjamin to compose a mosaic analysis of the films in this investigation into the unrest of language in naming the past. As we approach the three films also in a melancholy way since this is the look we propose in the analysis, identified as characteristic of the films we reaffirm our belief that language does not surrender to the impossible, to the realization that the real is unrepresentable.

[pt] O golpe militar de 1964 deu início a um tempo em que o país esteve submetido a um regime de repressão política e social controlado pelos governos militares. Num cenário de forte radicalização política, a sociedade encontrava-se dividida aparentemente em dois grandes blocos, a favor e contra a ditadura militar. O presente trabalho tem como pano de fundo o contexto autoritário da ditadura militar, sobretudo no que diz respeito ao campo de oposição e resistência. O objeto dessa pesquisa é o jornalista político Carlos Castello Branco e sua oposição à ditadura militar através da Coluna do Castello, coluna política publicada no Jornal do Brasil. A trajetória de Castello bem como a crítica e análise política realizada nas colunas apontam para um campo específico de oposição à ditadura, caracterizado aqui como campo da oposição liberal. / [en] The coup d etat in 1964 submmited brazilians to the military political e social repression. Society was politically divided in two political blocs, in favor or against the military dictatorship. The background of the present work is the autoritarian context of the military dictatorship and mainly the field of the political oposittion and resistence. The subject of the study is Carlos Castello Branco and his newspaper column called Coluna do Castello, published in the Jornal do Brasil. His trajectory, activities as jornalist and also the critical analysis of the politics in the columns are described as part of the liberal opposition to the military dictatorship.

Esta dissertação analisa a série iconográfica de cartuns e charges sob o título geral de Os Zeróis, do artista gráfico Ziraldo Alves Pinto, entre os anos de 1967 e 1972. Paródia aos super-heróis das histórias em quadrinhos norte-americanas Super-Homem, Batman, Capitão América etc. , Os Zeróis oferecem uma perspectiva crítica aos ideais e aos valores transmitidos por essas personagens. Nesse sentido, situam-se essas personagens, num primeiro momento, por princípio e por método no contexto político-histórico em que foram concebidas Guerra Fria, no contexto internacional, e Ditadura civil-militar, em nível nacional. Com isso, pretende-se perceber as estratégias que Ziraldo utilizou para, num cenário adverso, dada a censura do regime militar, manter-se atuante. Em um momento seguinte, parte-se à análise da trajetória profissional de Ziraldo, sobretudo àquela relacionada com a produção de histórias em quadrinhos nacionais, que teve na revista Pererê (1960-1964) seu ponto alto. / This dissertation analyses the iconographic series of cartoons and caricatures under the general title of Os Zéróis by the graphic artist Ziraldo Alves Pinto, between the years 1967 and 1972. As a parody of superheroes from North American comics such as Superman, Batman, Captain America , Os Zérois provides a critical perspective to the ideals and values transmitted by these characters. In this sense, they are located at first, by principle and method, in the historical and political context in which they were designed: the Cold War, as international context, and the civil-military dictatorship, at the national level. With this approach, one intends to understand the strategies used by Ziraldo to remain active even in an adverse scenario considering the censorship of the Military Regime. In the following moment, the analyzis of Ziraldo\'s professional trajectory is started, especially in regard to the production of national comics whose climax was Pererê magazine (1960-1964), reaching the Os Zéróis in 1967 until 1972.