Descreve e analisa os dados sobre repressão a livros considerados subversivos entre abril de 1964 a março de 1979, no Brasil. Os dados estudados são os autos de busca e apreensão cumpridos pela polícia política e exército para confiscar obras durante a Ditadura Militar e que fizeram parte de processos judiciais que chegaram ao Superior Tribunal Militar. Cerca de 707 processos foram resgatados e reunidos pelo Projeto Brasil Nunca Mais durante a Ditadura e estão disponíveis integralmente na internet desde 2013. A pesquisa abrange todos os resultados da busca de autos de apreensão de livros confiscados contra suspeitos. Ao todo foram encontrados 323 autos de busca e apreensão em 145 processos jurídicos, representando 20% (vinte por cento) da totalidade. A pesquisa tem dois momentos. O primeiro é uma análise descritiva dos dados presentes nos autos, em que é possível saber quantos livros foram apreendidos por ano, por organizações, pelo perfil dos atingidos e por quem executou as ordens. Os autos foram analisados como um conjunto desmembrado dos processos. O segundo é a análise do auto de busca e apreensão como parte do processo jurídico. A escolha do processo analisado foi feita porque os livros apreendidos constaram como prova para condenação do réu. As constatações finais da pesquisa foram três. A primeira é que ao se analisar os dados dos autos percebeu-se que eles revelam uma fotografia da ditadura militar, sendo possível fazer uma correlação da repressão sofrida pelas diferentes organizações de resistência e o confisco dos livros. A segunda constatação é que os agentes repressivos buscavam especificamente livros que pudessem incriminar os suspeitos, sendo instruídos para identificar quais livros poderiam ser tidos como subversivos. Por fim, a terceira observação é que os livros apreendidos tinham peso relativo dentro de cada processo. Às vezes figurando apenas como anexo e em outros casos sendo usados como prova para condenação do réu. Além das contribuições apresentadas acima, a pesquisa lista os títulos dos livros apreendidos para servir de consulta e referência para próximas pesquisas sobre o tema. / It describes and analyzes data on repression of books considered subversive between April 1964 and March 1979 in Brazil. The data studied are the seizure cases carried out by the political police and the army to confiscate books during the Military Dictatorship and which were part of legal proceedings that reached the Superior Military Tribunal. Almost 707 cases have been rescued and assembled by the Brazil Never Again Project during the dictatorship and is available on the internet since 2013. The search covers all the results for the warrants against suspects in which books were confiscated. In all, 323 search and seizure cases were found in 145 legal proceedings, representing twenty percent (20%) of the totality. The research has two moments. The first is a descriptive analysis of the data present in the records, in which it is possible to know how many books were seized per year, by organizations, by the profile of those affected and by those who executed the orders. The records were analyzed as a set dismembered of the processes. The second is the analysis of the search and seizure self as part of the legal process. The choice of the process analyzed was made because the books seized were evidence for the defendant\'s conviction. The final findings of the survey were three. The first is that when analyzing the data of the records it was noticed that they reveal a photograph of the military dictatorship, being possible to make a correlation of the repression suffered by the different organizations of resistance and the confiscation of the books. The second finding is that repressive agents specifically searched for books that could incriminate suspects and were instructed to identify which books might be considered subversive. Finally, the third observation is that the seized books had relative weight within each process. Sometimes appearing only as an attachment and in other cases being used as evidence for the conviction of the defendant. In addition to the contributions presented above, the research presents the list of the books seized to serve as a reference for future research on the subject.

Esta dissertação olha para as formas de representação da memória da última ditadura militar argentina (1976-1983). Toma-se como recorte os Ex-Centros Clandestinos de Detención Tortura y Extermínio (Ex-CCDTyE) de Buenos Aires, hoje lugares de memória e consciência, que compõem a Red Federal de Sítios de Memoria (REFESIM): a Ex Escuela Mecánica de la Armada (Ex ESMA), o Ex Club Atlético, o Ex Olimpo, o Ex Virrey Cevallos e o Ex Automotores Orletti. Busca-se analisar esses espaços, cenários da barbárie no passado, observando como cada um trabalha suas especificidades e se completa (ou não) com os demais, de forma a configurar (ou não) uma narrativa complexa e não redundante na cidade. O trabalho pensa os cinco sítios sob a perspectiva de rede, discutindo as possibilidades - estéticas, políticas e éticas - de representar as memórias da violência na contemporaneidade, a partir e através de lugares da cidade que foram espaços concentracionários (COLOMBO, 2017) no passado e tornaram-se sítios de memória. Para tanto, eles são analisados pelo conjunto de tensões que os construíram: entre grupos, agentes, grupos dentro de grupos e políticas de memória; e os signos (como aquilo que comunica), ferramentas e técnicas (arquitetônicas, arqueológicas, gráficas, propagandísticas, entre outras) escolhidos para representar tal memória de violência. / This dissertation looks at the forms of representation of the memory of the last Argentine military dictatorship (1976-1983). It is taken as a focus of the investigation the former Centros Clandestinos de Detención Tortura y Extermínio (Ex-CCDTyE) of Buenos Aires, now sites of memory and conscience, which compose the Red Federal de Sítios de Memoria: the Ex Escuela Mecánica de la Armada (Ex ESMA), the Ex Club Atlético, the Ex Olimpo, the Ex Virrey Cevallos and the Ex Automotores Orletti. We pretend to analyze these places that were scenarios of violence in the past, and that today are part of a network, observing how each of them works its specificities and completes (or not) with the others, in order to configure (or not) a complex and non-redundant narrative in the city. This dissertation looks at these five sites from a network perspective, seeking to discuss the possibilities - aesthetic, political and ethical - of representing the memories of violence in the contemporary world, from and through places in the city that were concentration camps (COLOMBO, 2017) and became memory sites. For that, the Ex CCDTyEs are analyzed by the set of tensions that built them: between groups, agents, groups within groups and memory policies; and signs, tools and techniques (architectural, archaeological, graphic, propagandistic, etc.) chosen to represent the memory of the violence of the 1970s.

Le 11 septembre 1973, à Santiago du Chili, le général Pinochet, prit le pouvoir de ce pays, en yinstaurant une dictature qui allait durer 17 ans. Après le coup d’état militaire les activités artistiquesdisparurent précipitamment sous la politique de l’« apagón -Panne- culturelle ». C’est dans cescirconstances que naquit une forme de danse indépendante de l’État et résistante, qui se pratiquaitdiscrètement faisant passer un message contestataire et renforçant une communauté rebelle. Cettedanse puisait ses bases de ce qu’il restait de la danse « moderne » chilienne, des techniques de danseapportée d’Europe et des explorations artistiques de ses chorégraphes. Environs vingt ans plus tard,la danse indépendante chilienne a suivi son chemin, elle traversa les périodes de la post-Dictature etescorta les changements sociaux et culturels. Le contexte pour la création en danse changea, celle-Cise développa suivant le contexte historique, politique et économique du pays. Cependant, depuisapproximativement trois ou quatre ans, un nouveau courant de la danse indépendante commence àgermer au Chili. Il s’agit d’un mouvement qui remet radicalement en question les formes, lesmessages et les manières de faire de la danse scénique, mettant l’accent sur l’expérimentation, larupture de codes et la suppression de limites disciplinaires : une nouvelle résistance en danse naît auChili. Le but de cette thèse est, après un travail de champ de trois ans au Chili, de déchiffrer la nature résistante, à travers une analyse comparative, et les mutations de ce de la danse indépendante actuelleau Chili. / September 11, 1973 in Santiago, Chile, General Augusto Pinochet took power in this country,bringing a bloody dictatorship that lasted 17 years. After the military coup artistic activities hurriedlydisappeared under the policy of the "cultural apagón-Blackout-." It is in these circumstances that aform of independent dance- both economically and ideologically- and resistant eraised, practiceddiscreetly passing a protest message and strengthening a rebel community. This dance drew its rootsof what remained of the Chilean "modern" dance, the dance techniques brought from Europe andthe artistic explorations of his choreographers. Near twenty years later, the Chilean independentdance followed its path, it crossed the periods of transition and post-Dictatorship and escorted thesocial and cultural changes. The context for creating dance changed and it developed following thehistorical, political and economic context of the country. However, since approximately three or fouryears, a new wave of independent dance begins to sprout in Chile. It is a movement that radicallycalls into question the forms, messages and ways to make the scenic dance made so far in Chile,focusing on the experimentation, the breaking of codes and the removal of disciplinary boundaries: anew resistance dance is born in Chile. The aim of this thesis is, after a field work of three years inChile, to decipher the resistant nature, through a comparative analysis, and the mutations in thecurrent independent dance in Chile.

<p>The meaning that Justice has after a conflict in a society might vary regarding the political development and cultural and shared values of a certain society.</p><p>Rawls, in his Theory of Justice gives his idea of what justice is and presents two principles of justice that he argues are required to live in a good society: a first principle that secures equal rights and liberties for all individuals and a second egalitarian principle that restrains the consequences of economic inequalities within societies. He also introduces the concept of “overlapping consensus” which I will use regarding the idea of Reconciliation, at the end of this paper.</p><p>In the cases presented in this paper (i.e. Argentina and South Africa), essential human rights were violated, therefore wrongdoers made the society unjust.</p><p>The aim of this thesis is to elucidate the conditions that are necessary to re-establish justice when a society goes through a conflict. I will introduce some ideas concerning that issue: ideas of retribution, reparation and reconciliation. These are seen as different paths for several countries when trying to tackle to the matter of achieving justice.</p><p>In my view, this question can be answered appealing first to an intuitive conception of moral justice that may exist at an individual and collective level, as well.</p><p>The ethical dilemmas both levels have are in relation to the harm done, punishments and how to balance them, limiting, for instance, the punishment in order to accomplish a just and a better society. I will also present how shared values can result from a process of reconciliation, which is considered as the ideal alternative to achieve justice.</p><p>However, when the equilibrium between members of a community is broken, some people claim that punishment can restore that lost equilibrium that existed before in the community.</p><p>Nevertheless, peace, reconciliation and justice cannot be constructed under the basis of silence. One way to keep memory alive is to let survivors, for instance, narrate what they have lived through; telling stories also creates a new space to share with others their experiences, revealing their fears and emotions. Regarding this theme, I will present the NUNCA MAS (Never Again) report, which is fundamental as it gives some testimonies, facts and proposals that will help to reach a consensus and therefore, future reconciliations.</p><p>Why is important to achieve justice? Because then members of a certain community will be able to interact in the present with common shared values and thus, deal with the past.</p><p>Not to consider reconciliation as one important step to achieve justice, and only think in terms of punishment, instead of giving way to peace and justice, could perhaps promote the possibility of further conflicts. To consider both punishment and reconciliation might just be one possible blueprint in the long and difficult way of searching for a just society.</p>

Die Debatte um die Verschwundenen des Spanischen Bürgerkriegs ist lange nicht beendet. Auch nach der Transition des Landes bleiben etliche Fragen offen und der Staat trägt wenig zu ihrer Aufklärung bei. Die Autorin befasst sich intensiv mit der lokalen Erinnerungskultur Spaniens. Sie analysiert dabei deren Bezug auf internationale Normen und Aufarbeitungserfahrungen in Lateinamerika.

The meaning that Justice has after a conflict in a society might vary regarding the political development and cultural and shared values of a certain society. Rawls, in his Theory of Justice gives his idea of what justice is and presents two principles of justice that he argues are required to live in a good society: a first principle that secures equal rights and liberties for all individuals and a second egalitarian principle that restrains the consequences of economic inequalities within societies. He also introduces the concept of “overlapping consensus” which I will use regarding the idea of Reconciliation, at the end of this paper. In the cases presented in this paper (i.e. Argentina and South Africa), essential human rights were violated, therefore wrongdoers made the society unjust. The aim of this thesis is to elucidate the conditions that are necessary to re-establish justice when a society goes through a conflict. I will introduce some ideas concerning that issue: ideas of retribution, reparation and reconciliation. These are seen as different paths for several countries when trying to tackle to the matter of achieving justice. In my view, this question can be answered appealing first to an intuitive conception of moral justice that may exist at an individual and collective level, as well. The ethical dilemmas both levels have are in relation to the harm done, punishments and how to balance them, limiting, for instance, the punishment in order to accomplish a just and a better society. I will also present how shared values can result from a process of reconciliation, which is considered as the ideal alternative to achieve justice. However, when the equilibrium between members of a community is broken, some people claim that punishment can restore that lost equilibrium that existed before in the community. Nevertheless, peace, reconciliation and justice cannot be constructed under the basis of silence. One way to keep memory alive is to let survivors, for instance, narrate what they have lived through; telling stories also creates a new space to share with others their experiences, revealing their fears and emotions. Regarding this theme, I will present the NUNCA MAS (Never Again) report, which is fundamental as it gives some testimonies, facts and proposals that will help to reach a consensus and therefore, future reconciliations. Why is important to achieve justice? Because then members of a certain community will be able to interact in the present with common shared values and thus, deal with the past. Not to consider reconciliation as one important step to achieve justice, and only think in terms of punishment, instead of giving way to peace and justice, could perhaps promote the possibility of further conflicts. To consider both punishment and reconciliation might just be one possible blueprint in the long and difficult way of searching for a just society.

Franco’s dictatorship remains a divisive issue within Spain. The contemporary debate rages on: mass graves are still being discovered and Spaniards continue to fight for and against historical memory laws that promote “forgetting” as a means of coping with the tumultuous past. This thesis is centered on oral history collected in the major city of Seville and the comparatively insignificant beach town of Sanlúcar de Barrameda. While only an hour apart by car, these Andalusian municipalities experienced the Spanish Civil War and the postwar period quite differently. The voices of a few express the reality of many in this thesis which combines oral history, archival research, and the intriguing world of scholarship on Franco’s Spain. The rural nature and ignored classes that largely made up Sanlúcar in contrast with the urban Seville indicate the drastically different, and in many cases, harsher experience of agricultural Andalusia.

The desire and need for historical representation in postmodernism are coupled with the self-reflexive acknowledgement of our inability to faithfully represent the past. This dissertation examines the ways in which certain historical events are represented in postmodern fiction. More specifically, it introduces the term ‘distortion’ to designate various ways that postmodern authors have attempted to convey traumatic and violent histories through intentional permutations of historical facts. In this study, I analyse six texts, representative works that present the multi-faceted nature of what I call ‘distorted’ historical fiction. Each text is devoted to one of three historical events: the Holocaust in Martin Amis’s Time’s Arrow and Art Spiegelman’s Maus; the Chilean dictatorship in Diamela Eltit’s Lumpérica and Isabel Allende’s La Casa de los espíritus; and finally, the Algerian War of Independence in Kateb Yacine’s Nedjma and Mohammed Dib’s Qui se souvient de la mer. The analyses of each text are guided by three main questions: How is the depicted history distorted in the narrative? Why is the historical reality distorted? And lastly, what are the hermeneutical effects for the reader of engaging with the distorted historical text? I contend that these historical fictions apply various modes of distortion to create a specific and often peculiar effect on the reader. These include distortions of narrative form and voice, as well as distortions of temporality and space. I argue that the reader’s encounter with distorted historical fiction creates a peculiar hermeneutical effect of ‘defamiliarisation,’ which has affinities with Viktor Shklovsky’s use of the term and Bertolt Brecht’s ‘V-effekt.’ The sense of defamiliarisation creates a conflict in readers, in which their foreknowledge of a past event clashes with the event's distorted depiction. This conflict demands that the reader be responsible, implying that the reader should not be ‘swept away’ by the distorted narrative. Instead the responsible reader is encouraged to interact with the text, apply previous historical knowledge to correct said distortions, and through this interaction gain a greater intimacy with the past.

The desire and need for historical representation in postmodernism are coupled with the self-reflexive acknowledgement of our inability to faithfully represent the past. This dissertation examines the ways in which certain historical events are represented in postmodern fiction. More specifically, it introduces the term ‘distortion’ to designate various ways that postmodern authors have attempted to convey traumatic and violent histories through intentional permutations of historical facts. In this study, I analyse six texts, representative works that present the multi-faceted nature of what I call ‘distorted’ historical fiction. Each text is devoted to one of three historical events: the Holocaust in Martin Amis’s Time’s Arrow and Art Spiegelman’s Maus; the Chilean dictatorship in Diamela Eltit’s Lumpérica and Isabel Allende’s La Casa de los espíritus; and finally, the Algerian War of Independence in Kateb Yacine’s Nedjma and Mohammed Dib’s Qui se souvient de la mer. The analyses of each text are guided by three main questions: How is the depicted history distorted in the narrative? Why is the historical reality distorted? And lastly, what are the hermeneutical effects for the reader of engaging with the distorted historical text? I contend that these historical fictions apply various modes of distortion to create a specific and often peculiar effect on the reader. These include distortions of narrative form and voice, as well as distortions of temporality and space. I argue that the reader’s encounter with distorted historical fiction creates a peculiar hermeneutical effect of ‘defamiliarisation,’ which has affinities with Viktor Shklovsky’s use of the term and Bertolt Brecht’s ‘V-effekt.’ The sense of defamiliarisation creates a conflict in readers, in which their foreknowledge of a past event clashes with the event's distorted depiction. This conflict demands that the reader be responsible, implying that the reader should not be ‘swept away’ by the distorted narrative. Instead the responsible reader is encouraged to interact with the text, apply previous historical knowledge to correct said distortions, and through this interaction gain a greater intimacy with the past.

In The Handmaid’s Tale, Atwood indirectly exposes frightening and undemocratic traits in societies of our time when she applies them to a fictive future in which these factors have caused horrible consequences. A group of men has formed a new state, “Gilead”, in which they ruthlessly control the population. This essay studies how this dictating power gains and, essentially, maintains power in the fictive society. The essay argues, and comes to the conclusion, that by surveilling the population and by restricting its means of communication the dictatorship is able to control the people and keep them docile.