This thesis explores the possible impact of a postmaterialist value shift on the future of democracy in advanced industrial democratic countries. Research over the past few decades has questioned the responsiveness of representative democratic institutions in advanced industrial democracies to individual and communal needs in society. Radical democratic theorists have called for direct action, structural reform, and other social and political changes to make democracy "stronger." Increased education levels brought on by continued economic and physical security in advanced industrial societies has led to a change in the ability of citizens to access the political process. How the relationship between the citizen and the state is altered as a result of continued prosperity is a primary motivation for this research. Working with World Values Survey data, I examine individual and societal level relationships between postmaterial values and direct political participation and acceptance of participatory values. Empirical evidence supports the hypotheses that postmaterial values are positively associated with direct political participation and as the level of Postmaterialists increases in a given society the level of participatory behavior and acceptance of participatory values will also increase. Substantive analysis suggests that increase in the level of postmaterialism in a country will lead to increases in alternative political activity and other forms of direct participation. / Master of Arts

We have acquired, over the last several decades, a fairly rich understanding of the impact on voter behavior of political communication in general and of political advertising specifically. Yet much of this knowledge pertains to “traditional,” candidate-centered elections; comparatively very little is known with regards to ballot initiative races. In principle, these contests pit not people, but proposed policies, against each other. In practice, however, they not only feature ads discussing policy, but also frequently comprise ads highlighting a measure’s supporters and opponents, be they individuals, non-profit groups, media outlets, industries, or political parties. This, in turn, leads to a basic query: what types of advertising message carry the greatest weight with voters in initiative contests – and how do they differ (if at all) from the effects they have in similar ads run in candidate-centered elections? Through an original experiment, this dissertation aims to break new ground in the voter behavior, media effects, and direct democracy literature by tackling this question. / Political Science

Historically, the federal government has been the institution responsible for setting the nation's drug policy. Since 1996, however, the federal government's authority and legitimacy in this issue area has increasingly been challenged through state ballot measures introduced via the initiative process. While only eight percent of ballot measures historically are approved by voters (Initiative and Referendum Institute 2004), half of the 28 state ballot measures on illegal drugs have been approved by voters over the past decade. The stated goal of those supporting legalization through ballot measures is to "build a political movement to end the war on drugs" (Nadelmann 2004). Nadelmann (2004) suggests that victories in the states show that the "nascent drug policy reform movement" can win in the "big leagues of American politics" and that the successful models presented through the ballot measures will increase "public confidence in the possibilities and virtue" of regulating the non-medical use of illicit drugs. To date there has been no detailed examination of the issue framing strategies in this venue; nor has there been an effort to link the problem definition and direct democracy literatures. This dissertation links the problem definition and direct democracy literatures, using drug policy as the vehicle and applying Stone's (2002) analytic framework of problem definition to make descriptive inferences about the issue framing devices employed in state ballot measures on illegal drugs. The research examines a range of materials related to the state ballot measures on illegal drugs including the language appearing on voter ballots; the full text of the ballot measures, including ballot titles and political preambles; and the voter information statements and their authors. In addition, the dissertation describes the elements of legalization proposed by the ballot measures that were approved by voters and examines three key legal challenges to Proposition 215, one of the first ballot measures on illegal drugs approved by voters in California in 1996, including two U.S. Supreme Court cases. / Ph. D.

The aim of this diploma thesis is to analyze and then to compare two political subjects, namely ANO 2011 and Svoboda a přímá demokracie (previously Úsvit přímé demokracie). The aim of this work is to find out if these political subjects are new political parties and business firm parties according to necessary criterions. The main point of the business firm party is political marketing and political strategies for campaigns of these parties. That is the reason why this diploma thesis makes analyze of marketing strategies in parliamentary elections at the year 2013 and 2017. The main aim is to figure out if both parties works and act as marketing product that follows the rule of supply and demand. Or, if parties work as enterprise which benefits from state subsidies. Thank to this research I possible to see the differences between these two political subjects and others established political parties in the Czech Republic. The research proved that ANO 2011 and Svoboda a přímá demokracie (previously Úsvit přímé demokracie) are new political parties and even are business firm parties. Even through are both subject part of concept business firm party, they are not the same type. Both political movements have many differences between themselves. Differences as stronger leader management position at...

The thesis examines the development of right-wing populist discourse in the Czech Republic and aims to define the forms and possible changes in populist discourse with a special emphasis on argumentation, then to interpret the changes in a broader social and political context. The research focuses on three organizational incarnations of right-wing populism: Public Affairs, Dawn of Direct Democracy - Tomio Okamura and Freedom and Direct Democracy - Tomio Okamura. The research method is a discursive-historical approach, which draws on the analysis of topoi. An analysis of the programs of the two movements and the party showed that the right-wing populist discourse has shifted from the original themes that the Public Affairs party has raised. These are included in the other two movements, but each adds something extra. From the initial anti-elite attitudes, social chauvinism and emphasis on direct democracy in the case of Public Affairs to nationalism and the promotion of national pride in the case of the Dawn, to the harsh euroscepticism, Islamophobia and anti-immigration appeals in the case of the SPD. The topoi used in the VV program is primarily topos of abuse, but the Dawn, with its specific appeal to national awareness, also introduces topos of people or topos of advantage, and the SPD clearly...

The author discusses the failure of the EU-Constitution plebiscite in France and focuses on the different arguments brought forward in the French debate over the EU-Constitution. The draft of the Convent was a complex volume full of compromises. However, in comparison with the Treaty of Nice, it would have been a starting point for achieving a direct trans-national democracy. According to the author, the referendum only failed due to some unique plebiscite elements that were instrumentalised by governments which had overestimated themselves.

This thesis examines Switzerland’s conflict around the integration of non-citizens in the context of the Swiss system of direct democracy. Through a case study on three recent referendum initiatives on immigrant policy, my research sought to answer the question: How does the use of referenda on immigrant policy impact public discourses on the social and political integration of non-citizens in German-speaking Switzerland? In exploring this question, I focused on how public discourses addressed the link between direct democracy, immigrant policy and non-citizen experiences. I analysed political advertisements, newspaper articles, and data collected in an interview with Swiss resident author Dragica Rajčić. My research findings showed that the use of referendum initiatives to make decisions on immigrant policy has had a significant impact on integration discourses. In particular, it has provided the conservative nationalist Swiss People’s Party with the opportunity to move their political agenda to the forefront of public debates. My findings also demonstrated that non-citizen perspectives were marginalized in the public discourses under examination. I therefore concluded that the process of transforming the Swiss conflict around the integration of immigrants will require Swiss governments to re-imagine how the political participation of non-citizens can be institutionalized. Granting non-citizens a more active political role would promote cross-cultural dialogue and understanding, making Switzerland’s direct democracy more democratic. / Graduate

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2008. / Vita. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-170).

Loin de correspondre parfaitement à l’idéal de la démocratie directe, qui suppose l’absence même de toute forme de représentation politique, le référendum constitue, sous des formes très diverses et donc à des degrés très différents, l’institution susceptible de correspondre au mieux à cet idéal en ce qu’il permet « l’expression directe de la souveraineté nationale », c'est-à-dire la volonté souveraine du peuple. Dans cette mesure, la pratique référendaire devrait logiquement se développer dans tous les États modernes qui se targuent d’être des démocraties. C’est effectivement la tendance générale observée dans le monde, mais pas en France. Paradoxalement, la Ve République connaît la tendance inverse : le recours au référendum est devenu très rare au niveau national et demeure marginal au niveau local. Comprendre la désuétude actuelle du référendum implique dans un premier temps de rechercher comment il a été conçu et pratiqué par le général de Gaulle, d’abord en 1945, puis à partir de 1958, ainsi que l’évolution du rôle et de la popularité de l’autorité – le Président de la République – qui en détient l’initiative. De nombreuses réformes ont été proposées pour impulser une nouvelle pratique référendaire au niveau national et local. Cependant, aucune de celles qui ont abouti n’y est parvenue jusqu’à présent, faute d’une réflexion préalable suffisante sur les fonctions que le référendum peut assurer désormais. En effet, dans leur grande majorité, les représentants considèrent le référendum comme un « remède » à la « crise de la démocratie représentative » sans avoir véritablement identifié ses causes, ni défini exactement le rôle du référendum dans ce contexte. En outre, un élément nouveau doit nécessairement être pris en compte : l’essor de la justice constitutionnelle. Le contrôle juridictionnel des référendums est ainsi l’une des questions les plus délicates que pose le renouveau éventuel de sa pratique. En définitive, cette étude entend déterminer quelles sont les perspectives d’avenir du référendum et quelles fonctions celui-ci peut encore assurer en France. Carré de Malberg préconisait en 1931 d’introduire le référendum d'initiative populaire, tant au niveau législatif qu’au niveau constitutionnel, afin d’éviter que la souveraineté populaire ne dévie en souveraineté parlementaire. Plus récemment, il a également été proposé que l'initiative populaire soit limitée à un référendum consultatif. Cette procédure constituerait alors une forme de contre-pouvoir populaire permettant d’influer sur l’action des représentants en-dehors des seules échéances électorales. Une telle procédure a été introduite en 2015 au Pays-Bas et a permis aux électeurs d’émettre, l’année suivante, un avis défavorable sur l’accord d’association entre l’Ukraine et l’Union européenne. / This Thesis deals with referendum and explains why it has become very scarce in France. The study begins with the analysis of the use made by Charles De Gaulle, in 1945, then between 1958 and 1969. During this second period, the referendum had two main purposes : it was the way to increase the power of the President, and also the best process to legitimate this power by the popular responsibility of the President (by the « question of trust »). The current distrust of the citizens towards their governants explains why the other Presidents after 1969 used very cautiously the referendum, because of the increasing risk to incur the « boomerang effect ». Many reforms tried to solve the « crisis of the representative democracy» by new possibilities of referendum, but this phenomenon is actually very hard to describe and it can't be known if referendum is the solution or an additional risk towards the stability of institutions. The current role of the constitutional judge must also be taken into account. Thus, the judicial review of referendum is one of the most delicate questions raised by the possible renewal of its use. At the end of this study, the question that remains is how can the referendum serve democracy and French institutions. In 1931, Carré de Malberg wished to introduce the popular initiative referendum (or « popular veto »), but we can also imagine the referendum as an institution of the « French checks and balances », as the way for citizens to express their wishes even if their governants disagree. For instance, this kind of procedure already exists in Netherlands since 2015, and by using it, citizens disapproved the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union in 2016.

The diploma thesis investigates somewhat overlooked development of the West European societies and attitudes of citizens and political parties towards direct democracy. In the Western Europe (and not only there), we observe substantial questioning of the delegation of power principle, thereupon large part of citizenry is asking for more decision-making powers, most often direct democracy instruments. The support for direct democracy could be coming from the educated and politically active (cognitive mobilization hypothesis) as well as the alienated and politically disaffected (political disaffection hypothesis) citizens. The diploma thesis presupposes that this popular demand is reflected mostly by the novel parties which try to weaken the standings of the traditional parties - i. e. the novel parties support and offer the implementation of the direct democracy mechanisms more than the traditional ones. The breakthrough of the direct democracy techniques would empower the voters - the judges in the Schumpeterian/Popperian conception of democracy - in the face of the political subjects, while this empowerement would carry along far- reaching consequences for the central research areas of the political science, namely the study of the organizational development of political parties. In this thesis,...