With the increased significance of information technology (IT) in today’s society the term ‘electronic democracy’ (e-democracy) has gained much importance within the democracy theory. Naturally, there are several competing views on how the technology should be used for democratic purpose. One aspect of this is the somewhat revitalized claim for direct democracy in accordance with the hypothetical opportunity to finally realize it as a democratic system. The ideal of direct democracy combined with the almost total credence in the potential of technology constitute the idea of a ‘push-button democracy’. The term has to a large extent been used by critics to the idea. However, it does also figure as a generic term describing this ‘new’ claim for direct democracy. This essay seeks in a qualitative normative and theoretical way, to assess the plausibility of the idea of the push-button democracy in relation to classical democracy theory. In excess of the debate of direct versus representative democracy, the analysis seeks to give a normative approach on how information technology should be applied. The result of the analysis consists of a number of predicted implications with the realization of the push-button democracy, especially concerning the democratic process in regard to decision making. Furthermore, it is reasoned whether this utopian system is desirable, even from a principal view. Finally, the discussion concludes with a stance of policy that information technology should be used as a mean for the existing representative democracy, rather than a goal, in order to create a different political system.

Delegative democracy is a new concept of democratic governance. It is meant as a new system of trust among people. It is derived from principles of direct democracy and presents only minimal form of representation. The voter is not forced to cast his vote directly, but it can be transferred to a delegate. Delegative democracy is based on openness, awareness and trust. It is still only a concept and for real application it has to face rising critics. Main issues are high costs, threat of populism and corruption and overall complexity. Agent-based modelling is chosen to test the validity of delelagative democracy principles. It is suitable for studying social phenomena such as democratic governance. Agent-based models apply a "new kind" of artificial intelligence -- a dynamic system composed of individual and autonomous units -- agents -- which interact within the environment. Universal methodology called Agentology is used to propose a new agent-based model. This methodology is composed of subsequent steps. These steps cover initial analysis, conceptual and technological proposal and development of the model itself. Assessment of delegative democracy principles is achieved with data acquired from the agent-based model. Delegative democracy is less effective for small and cooperative system than direct democracy. If more voters are delegating, this effectiveness decreases even more. This conclusion is based on initial parameters of the model. Delegating voters count is indeed a relevant parameter whereas total voters count is not. The model has its basic predicative value and is open to further elaboration.

Analytical research of a migrant's presence in a certain location on election outcomes of populist-nationalist parties is a relatively new phenomena in the field of electoral geography. Media and political interest in migration and refugees has risen rapidly in the last few years and offers a broad opportunity for relevant scientific studies. This thesis stems from existing literature, that have studied such relation and focuses on the case of The Freedom and Direct Democracy - Tomio Okamura Party (SPD) and on the possible influence of the share of migrants on SPD's electoral support at two different scale levels (municipalities with authorized municipal offices and individual municipalities) during the 2017 parliamentary elections. Analysing the most important groups of migrants and additionally a formed group of migrants coming from countries with either dominant or significant Muslim native population can be considered as innovative. The main goal is to discover whether the election outcomes of SPD, which stands strongly opposed to migration, differ based on the share of migrants in a certain area, or if migration does not play any role at all. Furthermore, the electoral geography of SPD is compared to the of Tomio Okamura's former party - Dawn of Direct Democracy, whose rhetoric did not focus...

Final thesis titled Collective Intelligence and the Functions of Individual: Using an Example of Social Activism Online uses definition of collective intelligence by Pierre Lévy, and tries to verify it throught practice of social activism on the internet using a smartphone as a tool for accessing cyberspace. The theses is based on media theory works focusing in particular on a new kind of intelligence of community and the impact of new communication technologies on humans. Next part is about the topics of social activism, when considering together or independently with collective intelligence, provides the potential for direct democracy. Lastly there are few examples of social activism online or forerunners of direct democracy. As an important issue of collective intelligence in practice emerge the rules of behavior of individuals and Lévy's vision of collective intelligence as a peak of humanity.

The aim of this diploma thesis is to discuss new political parties in the context of the Czech party system. Movement ANO 2011 and Dawn of Direct Democracy are the researched subjects which broke through elections to the Chamber of Deputies in the Czech Republic in 2013. This multiple case study proceeds from the basic and ambiguously gripped notion political party to diverse theoretical aspects of newness, trying to briefly define the Czech party system in the context of new political parties. It is done in terms of legislative rules for (not only new) political parties and also from a developmental view. Afterwards the empirical part works with particular characteristics of two chosen subjects - it gradually focuses on their emergence and development, programme, the leader and members, electoral campaign and their participation in elections. The task of the individual characteristics is to introduce both subjects accurately so their common and different traits are obvious. The gained findings are later assessed by the view of the chosen Sikk's theory of newness. There is examined if ANO and Dawn fall into some of the categories defined by this theory. The diploma thesis tries to shift the state of knowledge of new Czech political parties and refers to the positives and negatives of the chosen...

In recent years, the number of local referendums in Sweden has increased. Referendumsallow citizens to influence specific political issues directly, and the instrument is advisory todecision-makers. At the same time, referendums have become a complex issue in manySwedish municipalities. They pose a fundamental challenge to local democracy - to deal withtwo legitimate popular wills representing two different ideals of democracy. However, there is little empirical evidence on how municipal politicians deal with thischallenge in local decision-making. This study aims to examine how we can understand therole of referendums in this context. In order to do so, the study focuses on referendums in thefield of infrastructure in two municipalities, the sale of the municipally-owned energycompany Öresundskraft in Helsingborg and decommissioning of Västerås airport in Västerås.Empirical evidence was compiled from mainly public documents in order to perform aqualitative content analysis; interviews were also conducted with a total of ten municipalpoliticians to reinforce the findings of the processes. The study utilizes a general frameworkwith theoretical ideas on governance, policy analysis and direct democracy to deepen ourunderstanding of these processes. The results of the study show that in both cases, the respective referendum has been given adecisive role. The municipal politicians seem to have chosen to stop the politicalproposal/decision after the referendum's result based on turnout and the clear result that thecitizens did not want to sell/decommission. Furthermore, the results also illustrate that allmunicipal politicians, in general, think it is important to involve citizens but in differentways. Some politicians had a more positive view of the instrument and some much less so inthe two cases. They underline that a referendum may be more or less appropriate in certainissues or circumstances. At the same time, the majority maintain the idea of referendums as acomplement to representative democracy. The study also shows how different interests fromdifferent societal actors can come into play in a referendum on infrastructure that does notonly relate to the local and municipal sphere. The study was delimited to referendums oninfrastructure in two large municipalities; therefore, it cannot bridge the much-neededresearch gaps that further research can address.

L'objet de la présente thèse concerne l'étude de l'impact économique de trois modalités démocratiques, à savoir (i) l'agenda électoral, (ii) l'affiliation partisane des dirigeants en place dans un cadre de multipartisme, et (iii) les changements de gouvernance constitutionnellement définis. Afin d'introduire notre étude, nous décrivons la relation qui existe entre les modalités démocratiques et la démocratie directe d'une part et la politique budgétaire d'autre part, aux Etats-Unis sur la période 1790-2014 dans l'Introduction Générale. Dans le Chapitre 2 nous étudions l'effet authentique et potentiellement néfaste des cycles politico-budgétaires. Notre méta-analyse suggère que les dirigeants nationaux manipulent effectivement le budget dans un but de réélection mais l'ampleur du phénomène est largement exagérée par la littérature. Toutefois, le biais de publication mis en lumière s'est significativement réduit lors des 25 dernières années de recherches. Dans le Chapitre 3 nous étudions comment l'affiliation partisane des gouverneurs américains affecte le statut de pauvreté des immigrants, aux Etats-Unis, sur la période 1994-2014. Pour ce faire, nous comparons le niveau de pauvreté des immigrants dans les Etats gouvernés par les Démocrates au niveau de pauvreté des immigrants constaté dans les Etats gouvernés par les Républicains. En accord avec la littérature sur l'affiliation partisane, nous trouvons que les immigrants ont plus d'opportunités de sortir de la pauvreté sous les Démocrates que sous les Républicains. Une analyse formelle de médiation révèle que nos résultats empiriques sont médiatisés par un meilleur accès au marché du travail et possiblement de meilleures rétributions du travail, pour les immigrants. Dans le Chapitre 4 nous cherchons à vérifier l'évolution des notations souveraines lors des périodes d'inauguration des nouveaux dirigeants sur un échantillon de 18 pays d'Amérique Latine et des Caraïbes ayant des systèmes présidentiels. A partir de données de panel journalières s'étendant du 1er janvier 1994 au 31 décembre 2014, nous trouvons que les notations souveraines sont de meilleure qualité durant les périodes d'inauguration anticipées comparées aux autres périodes d'inauguration. En outre, nos résultats montrent que durant ces périodes d'inauguration anticipées, les notations sont encore meilleures lorsque le dirigeant entrant (i) est économiquement de droite, (ii) dispose d'un diplôme universitaire d'un pays de l'OCDE, (iii) a un parcours professionnel traditionnel, (iv) a une approche non populiste, et (v) dispose de marges électorales de victoire importantes. Il apparaît également un biais de genre potentiel à la faveur des nouveaux dirigeants de sexe masculin. En prenant avantage d'un modèle de durée et de régressions de Cox -- modèle à risque proportionnel, nous mettons en lumière que les périodes d'inauguration des dirigeants affectent également la probabilité instantanée de dégradation des notations souveraines. Enfin, dans la Conclusion Générale nous explorons les racines des pensées antisystèmes en Occident, puis nous discutons des avantages et inconvénients de quelques formes alternatives de démocratie, à savoir (i) la démocratie directe, (ii) le tirage au sort, et (iii) le développement participatif comme bien public. Finalement, nous explorons les controverses concernant les formes alternatives de démocratie sur l'agora virtuelle que constitue Twitter. / The aim of the present dissertation is to empirically investigate the economic impact of three democratic modalities, namely (i) the electoral agenda; (ii) the partisan affiliation of incumbents in a multipartism framework; and (iii) constitutionally defined leadership changes. To introduce the scope of the dissertation we describe the democratic modalities and direct democracy behind the U.S. fiscal policy from 1790 to 2014, in the General Introduction.In Chapter 2 we study the genuine detrimental effect of political budget cycles. Our meta-analysis suggests that national leaders do manipulate fiscal tools in order to be re-elected, but to an extent that is significantly exaggerated in the literature. The publication selection bias highlighted has nonetheless been reduced during the past 25 years of research. In Chapter 3 we investigate how governors' partisan affiliation affects the poverty status of immigrants to the U.S for the period 1994-2014. To this end, we compare the poverty outcomes of immigrants in states ruled by Democratic governors relative to the outcomes for those in states ruled by Republican governors. Consistent with the literature on partisan affiliation, we find that immigrants are more likely to get out of poverty in states with Democratic governors than states with Republican governors. A formal mediation analysis reveals that the empirical results are mediated through better access to the labor market and possibly through higher wages and labor earnings for immigrants. In Chapter 4 we assess whether sovereign credit ratings change during the inauguration periods of incoming leaders, on a sample of 18 Latin American and Caribbean countries with presidential systems. Building on a daily panel dataset covering the period from January 1, 1994 to December 31, 2014, we find that credit ratings are better during anticipated inauguration periods compared to other inauguration periods. Moreover, our results reveal that, during anticipated inauguration periods, incoming leaders with (i) an economically right-wing orientation; (ii) an OECD college degree; (iii) a traditional professional background; (iv) a non-populist approach; and (v) large electoral margins of victory are associated to even better ratings. There also appears to be a potential gender bias effect in favor of male incoming leaders. Last but not least, the quality of the credit rating also matters. In the General Conclusion we explore the roots of anti-systemism in the West, then we discuss some alternative forms of democracy, and we explore the controversies regarding the alternative forms of democracy on the virtual \emph{agora} of Twitter.

The representative democracy has become weakened during the last decades. At the same time the United Nations declared at the Rio de Janeiro meeting in 1992 that environmental problems can best be solved by involvement of all concerned citizens in decision-making. The main purpose of this study has been to examine if citizens panels is a possible way to involve citizens in environmental decision-making and what the outcomes can be. Furthermore the study has investigated what the participation has contributed to environmental politics and how representative the results have been. This has been carried out by investigating the Piteåpanel in the municipality of Piteå by conducting interviews. The result of the study shows that the involvement of the citizens in the decision-making influenced the environmental politics of the municipality. The most striking result is that involving the citizens in the process of forming a climate and energy plan made the final plan more explicit and ambitious. However regarding the representativity the decisions can’t be considered fully representative from a political equality point of view. Despite this the decisions that have been made can be regarded as more legitimate because the citizens have been a part of the decision-making. The study argues in a careful way that increased participation in environmental decision-making in the form of citizens panels can be one of several approaches to both overcome the problems with the representative democracy and solve the environmental problems. / Den representativa demokratin har under de senaste årtiondena blivit försvagad. Detta samtidigt som FN vid Rio de Janeiro mötet 1992 deklarerade att miljöproblemen bäst kan lösas med att involvera alla berörda medborgare i beslutsfattandet. Syftet med denna undersökning har i huvudsak varit att se närmare på om medborgarpaneler kan vara ett sätt att involvera medborgarna i miljöfrågor och vilken effekt det kan få. Vidare har studien också undersökt vilken inverkan deltagandet fått på miljöpolitiken och hur representativt resultatet varit. Detta har skett genom att undersöka Piteåpanelen i Piteå kommun med genomförandet av intervjuer. Studiens resultat visar att involverandet av medborgarna i beslutsfattandet har påverkat kommunens miljöpolitik. Framförallt visar det sig att i arbetet med att ta fram en klimat och energiplan bidrog deltagandet till att den slutgiltiga planen blev mer tydlig och ambitiös. Gällande representativiteten visar det sig dock att resultaten ifrån panelen inte kan anses fullt representativa utifrån aspekten politisk jämlikhet. Trots detta har dock besluten som fattats fått en större legitimitet på grund av att medborgarna fått vara med i beslutsprocessen. Studien ställer sig försiktigt positiv till att ett ökat deltagande i miljöfrågor i form av medborgar-paneler kan vara ett av flera tillvägagångssätt i att både överbrygga problemen med den representativa demokratin samt lösa de miljöproblem som finns.

Il Bilancio Partecipativo (BP) è probabilmente l’esempio più famoso ed interessante di governance locale per i suoi effetti democratici e redistributivi. Per via del coinvolgimento diretto dei cittadini nel processo decisionale, il BP è considerato una forma di democrazia diretta capace di ovviare agli attuali limiti della democrazia rappresentativa moderna. Tuttavia, ad un’attenta analisi, è possibile identificare nel suo funzionamento anche degli elementi rappresentativi che non sono mai stati presi molto in seria considerazione. Infatti, poiché la partecipazione avviene solitamente attraverso gruppi ed associazioni, nuove forme di rappresentanza e nuovi rappresentanti emergono in competizione con quelli tradizionali politici in termini di consenso, sostegno popolare e dunque legittimità. Il presente lavoro vuole andare oltre il pensiero corrente e proporre un’interpretazione originale del modello istituzionale del BP come una forma nuova ed alternativa di democrazia rappresentativa, in cui le organizzazioni della società civile assumono un ruolo centrale: dietro al BP vi sarebbe una sorta di democrazia ‘civile’. Questo punto di vista alternativo non solo può stimolare un ulteriore dibattito in letteratura, ma aprire anche degli scenari interessanti in relazione ai temi più generali della crisi delle istituzioni liberal-democratiche e del ruolo e dell’identità della società civile. / Participatory Budgeting (PB) is probably the most famous and interesting example of innovative local governance for its redistributive and democratic effects. Due to the direct involvement of citizens in the decision-making process, PB is celebrated as an example of direct democracy which can help to deal with the limits of representative democracy. However, on closer analysis, it is possible to identify elements of representation in its functioning, which are taken into little consideration and which could probably modify the prevalent theoretical belief. In fact, as citizens usually participate through their groups and associations, new representatives emerge challenging the traditional channels of political representation in terms of popular approval, consensus, hence legitimacy. This work aims to go beyond the prevailing narrative and propose an original interpretation of the PB’s institutional model as a new and alternative representative democracy, where the main political actors become organizations from the civil society: behind PB there seems to lie a sort of ‘civil’ democracy. Hence, introducing this alternative viewpoint can, not only further questions which are never fully considered in the literature, but also open interesting scenarios in the debate over the crisis of liberal-democratic institutions and the role and the identity of civil society.

In the first chapter of my doctoral thesis, entitled The Political Implications of Nietzsche's Perspectivism, I argue that due to conflicting passages present throughout his oeuvre, Nietzsche is best understood as a twofold metaphysical sceptic. That is, a sceptic about the existence of the external world, and consequently, as a sceptic about such a world's correspondence to our perspectives. Nietzsche presents a threefold conceptualization of 'nihilism' and a twofold one of the 'will to power.' Neutral nihilism is humanity's inescapable condition of having no non-humanly created meanings and values. This state can be interpreted positively as an opportunity to create one's own meanings and values, or negatively as a terrifying incentive to return to dogmatism. The will to power is life before and as it becomes life, the unqualified will to power, and all the realities in it, the qualifiable will to power. The combination of these ontological concepts brings me to my second chapter and to the determination of Nietzsche's general epistemology: perspectivism. Perspectivism is an admittedly created, ontologically derived interpretation of knowledge, which both entails and goes beyond relativism. Nietzsche's perspectivism is constructed to support any norm that allows for univocal evaluations, not just Nietzsche's. Moreover, it can be derived from any ontology that conceptualizes life as a unit of growth and decay and human beings as creators of all their perspectives. These two elastic concepts allow me to propose, in my third chapter, that, although his texts disavow an all-inclusive democracy in favour of a new spiritual aristocracy, on the one hand, the proper political implications of perspectivism allow for democracy, while on the other hand, Nietzsche can be read as disapproving of an all inclusive or representative democracy, yet as approving of the direct democracy that arises naturally among elite peers.