Disputed Issues of the Necessary Defence in Judicial Practice Abstract The thesis focuses on the issue of necessary defense in the Czech legal system, especially on the analysis and solution of the disputed queries that arrise when applying and interpreting this issue with respect to legal regulations. The main attention is dedicated to judicial decisions, however, some of the disputable issues addressed in the criminal law theory are not neglected. The thesis is composed of six chapters, together with the chapter of the Introduction which provides the basic definition of the issue and the main purpose of the work, and the Conclusion, which presents the final reflections on the findings and concludes the work. The First Chapter deals with general basics of criminal liability, focusing in particular on the concept of illegality, since the necessary defense is among the circumstances excluding illegality, which at the same time represents a reason for excluding the criminal liability of the acting person. The very circumstances excluding criminal liability are briefly mentioned and listed in Chapter Two. The purpose of the Third Chapter was to characterize the concept of extreme distress and to distinguish it from essential elements of the necessary defence which represents its privileged case. The main part...

This paper researches the changes that took place in Crimean economy after March 2014 with respect to the integration policies Russia has applied in that field. Based on the theories of economic integration and Russian regional development programs, economic development patterns of disputed territories and small island economies, as well as the influence of institutions on the economy, we find that ascension to Russia had for the peninsula its positive and negative effects with the prevalence of the latter. We also suggest that the political integration of Crimea was more successful than it was in economic dimension, because the existing investment constraints and lack of proper connection to the Russian mainland remain formidable obstacles on the way of region's successful integration and further development. We find that all economic development in Crimea depends on Russian subsidies and it is likely to remain this way because the region is underdeveloped by Russian standards. This is consistent with the idea that small island economies and disputed territories are over-dependent on the respective sponsor-state for the provision of economic stability.

<p>This dissertation investigates the forms of marginalization and exclusion, particularly of women, produced by state-fostered large-scale projects and nation-state building processes in Gilgit-Baltistan, located in the northern frontier region of Pakistan. In a context where state-led development projects and policies are primarily motivated by nationalism and territorial integration, the strategic interests of the state undermine the promised people-centric objectives of economic development and exacerbate gendered inequalities in economic development that lead to the exclusion of women. My ethnographic research, involving participant observations, semi-structured interviews, group discussions, and my personal encounters during fieldwork, explores the underrepresented local counter-narratives of development that are mostly overshadowed by the hegemonic nationalist narrative. By focusing on women’s narratives, my research examines the real barriers and constraints shaping their everyday lived experiences. This dissertation engages with the theoretical frameworks of state-making, critical development, and feminist approaches to studying women’s empowerment and economic development. The chapters in this dissertation center on three main topics: First, this dissertation analyzes women entrepreneurs in Gilgit-Baltistan as disciplined development subjects forged by the development discourse and practice prevalent in the Global South since the last quarter of the 20th century. Second, this dissertation explains the differential subjectivities and variations in women’s experiences and engagement with development as an outcome of the nation-state building processes carried out by both ideological and infrastructural apparatuses: the institutionalization of Islam and Muslimness to construct a uniform national identity, on the one hand, and the Karakoram Highway and the military-state’s strategic intervention to integrate Gilgit-Baltistan into Pakistan’s national territory, on the other. By laying out the politico-historical context in the postcolonial era, this dissertation situates women in the larger geopolitical realities and argues that social differentiation among women is a consequence of hegemonic state interventions. Third, this dissertation is a work of anthropology at home that draws from my personal experiences and encounters during fieldwork in my home region. It engages with questions about the positionalities of the researcher as sites of challenge and opportunity in the field and larger disciplinary practices.</p>

This diploma thesis is focused on forensic linguistics, which is not well known field in the Czech academic environment, because only a forensic examiner is competent to carry out analyses of this kind. The aim of the thesis is to introduce theoretical base of forensic linguistics, especially the method of author's identification. If forensic linguist identifies an author, he/she must have two groups of texts - questioned material (texts of unknown origin) and comparative material (texts of a certain person). Forensic linguist examines the materials and he/she has to answer the question if the author of the questioned and comparative material is one person or not. The analysis is focused on author's individual language and style characteristics in the texts. This method is demonstrated in the thesis on a fictitious case. Conclusions of the analyses are worded in the form of the expert opinion, which contains the most considerable differences within texts. Key words: forensic profiling, individual identification, language level, disputed text authorship, analysis

El treball es centra en l’estudi de la nova forma d’organització interna amb que s’ha dotat el Moviment dels Treballadors Rurals Sense Terra - MST, representada en el territori per les conegudes com a ‘brigades’; en concret es tracta del cas de la Brigada Salvador Allende, que té el seu radi d’actuació en la Regió Nord-oest de l’estat meridional de Paraná. Els treballs de camp en assentaments i campaments, ens han permès dimensionar de quina manera la nova forma d’organització ha suposat un increment en el grau d’implicació i de participació de les famílies Sense Terra, i com d’aquest fet se’n deriva un augment significatiu en el grau de qualificació dels processos antagonistes que el MST protagonitza contra l’avanç del projecte capitalista per a l’agricultura brasilera. Ambdós models entren en conflicte al intentar implementar, en uns mateixos territoris, els respectius projectes de societat; ja sigui per continuar dedicant grans extensions de terra a la ramaderia bovina i al cultiu de canya de sucre o per reconvertir-les en petites explotacions familiars on es produeix aliments saludables. / El trabajo se centra en estudio de la nueva forma de organización interna con que se ha dotado el Movimiento de los Trabajadores Rurales Sin Tierra - MST, representada en el territorio por las conocidas como ‘brigadas’; en concreto se trata del caso de la Brigada Salvador Allende, que tiene su rayo de actuación en la Región Noroeste del estado meridional de Paraná. Los trabajos de campo en asentamientos y campamentos, nos han permitido dimensionar de que manera la nueva forma de organización ha supuesto un incremento en el grado de implicación y de participación de las familias Sin Tierra, y como de este hecho se deriva un aumento significativo en el grado de cualificación de los procesos antagonistas que el MST protagoniza contra el avance del proyecto capitalista para la agricultura brasileña. Los dos modelos entran en conflicto al intentar implementar, en unos mismos territorios, los respectivos proyectos de sociedad; ya sea para continuar dedicando grandes extensiones de tierra a la pecuaria bovina y al cultivo de caña de azúcar o para reconvertirlos en pequeñas explotaciones familiares donde se producen alimentos saludables. / The work focuses on studying the new form of internal organization that the Movement of Landless Rural Workers – MST has adopted, that is represented in the territory by what is known as the 'brigades', in particular, the case of the Brigade Salvador Allende, which has its strongest performance in the Northwest Region of the southern state of Parana. The field work in settlements and camps, has allowed us to dimensionate which is the new form of organization has led in to an increase in the degree of involvement and participation of landless families, and as of this fact results in a significant increase in the degree of qualification of the adversarial process that the MST stars against the advance of the capitalist project for Brazilian agriculture. The two models are in conflict cause they are trying to implement, in the same territories, the respective projects of society, either to continue to devote large tracts of land to livestock cattle and the cultivation of sugar cane or converting them into small family farms where they produce healthy food.

Submitted by Irene Nascimento (irene.kessia@ufpe.br) on 2017-03-27T18:23:25Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) COSTA_SAULO_BARROS_tese.pdf: 5095646 bytes, checksum: a517110a1cc907a14aa45c0889fc122d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-27T18:23:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) COSTA_SAULO_BARROS_tese.pdf: 5095646 bytes, checksum: a517110a1cc907a14aa45c0889fc122d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-20 / CAPES / A resistência e autonomia camponesa são elementos presentes nas ações de camponeses do Baixo Parnaíba Maranhense, diante do avanço do agronegócio de soja e eucalipto e, ainda, a contínua transformação do cerrado em florestas e campos. Nos anos 1990, este tipo de desenvolvimento se complexifica no Estado do Maranhão, com a migração de produtores do Sul do Estado para o Leste, como também do aumento das áreas cultivadas com pinos em municípios como Urbano Santos. Diversos conflitos ambientais e territoriais são desenvolvidos, transformando a diversidade de chapadas e baixões em espaços geográficos distantes. Empresas como a Suzano Papel e Celulose S. A. possuem papel central neste contexto, atrelando as áreas de cultivos, equipamentos industriais de transporte e logística, além da recém-­inaugurada planta industrial da empresa, em Imperatriz, Maranhão. Assim, o objetivo desta tese foi explicar as resistências dos camponeses que se estabelecem no âmbito do conflito territorial, frente ao incremento do cultivo de eucalipto no Baixo Parnaíba maranhense, no município de Urbano Santos, com aporte a Associação de Moradores São Raimundo. Como elemento desta pesquisa, a tese investigada foi que a luta e resistência dos camponeses se desenvolve frente à produção agroexportadora de eucalipto, afirmando como fundantes para sua reprodução: os usos da natureza, a posse histórica da terra e seu modelo produtivo, que entrelaça espaços tanto das chapadas quanto dos baixões, em um único território. Como resultado, observou-­se que a resistência concreta camponesa (SCOTT, 2013) possui a dimensão da autonomia e da luta, construída historicamente e materializada em ações que promovem mudanças radicais nas estruturas do Estado, assim como enfretamentos diretos com a empresa Suzano Papel e Celulose S. A. A lei do bacuri verde, que foi criada e aprovada pelo território da comunidade São Raimundo, município de Urbano Santos, Maranhão, em dezembro de 2012, com base nos princípios do extrativismo coletivo e diversificado, tem como princípio a luta contra o avanço dos plantios de eucalipto nos territórios de comunidades encurraladas multilateral e espacialmente na região. Esta lei revela a política que estes sujeitos tecem em suas práticas, demarcando seus modos de vida em vias do avanço do capitalismo agrário, consolidando o território camponês do Baixo Parnaíba a partir das suas representações espaciais das chapadas e dos baixões. Esta diversidade de usos e modos de vida de sujeitos e suas resistências internas pela preservação e uso do cerrado, descrevem outra polifonia na cartografia das resistências e dos territórios comunitários. / Peasant resistance and autonomy are elements present in the actions of peasants of Baixo Parnaíba from Maranhão against the soybean and eucalyptus agribusiness advance, and also the continuous change of cerrado in forests and fields. In the 1990s, this type of development is becoming more complex in the state of Maranhão with the migration from southern producers to the East of the state, as well as the increase of cultivated areas with pins in towns as Urbano Santos. Several environmental and territorial conflicts are developed, transforming the diversity of chapadas and baixões in distant geographical areas. Companies like Suzano Papel e Celulose S.A. has a central role in this context, linking to the areas of industrial crops the transport and logistics equipment, in addition to the newly opened industrial plant of the company in Imperatriz, Maranhão. Thus, the objective of this thesis was to explain the resistance of peasants who are established within the territorial conflict, against the increase of eucalyptus cultivation in the Baixo Parnaíba from Maranhão, in the town of Urbano Santos, with the contribution of the Dwellers Association of São Raimundo. As part of this research, the investigation of the thesis was the struggle and resistance developed by the peasants across the agro-­export production of eucalyptus, stating as foundational for their reproduction: the uses of the nature, the historical ownership of land and its productive model, which interweaves spaces of both chapadas and baixões in a single territory. As a result, it was observed that the peasant specific resistance (SCOTT, 2013) has the dimension of autonomy and struggle, historically built and materialized in actions that promote radical changes in state structures, as well as the direct confrontations with the company Suzano Papel and Celulose S.A. The law of the green bacuri, which was created and approved by the territory of São Raimundo’s community, in the town of Urbano Santos, Maranhão, in December 2012, was based on the principles: collective and diverse extraction, has as principle the fight against the advance of eucalyptus plantations in the territories of corralled communities multilateral and spatially in the region. This law reveals the policy that these subjects weave in their practices, demarcating their livelihoods in the process of the agrarian capitalism forward, consolidating the peasant territory of the Baixo Parnaíba from their spatial representations of chapadas and baixões. This diversity of uses and ways of life of individuals and their internal resistances for the preservation, and use of cerrado describe another polyphony in the mapping of resistance and community territories.

Denna uppsats ämnar att undersöka hur mänskliga rättigheter efterlevs i Transnistrien, Västsahara och Kashmir, tre omstridda områden och hur teoretiska ramverk ser på och förstår mänskliga rättigheter i dessa områden. Uppsatsen börjar med att undersöka de två teoretiska ramverken; liberalism och realism för att sedan operonalisera dom på empiriska fall med omstridda områden. Uppsatsen undersöker hur rättighetssituationen ser ut i omstridda områden genom att undersöka rapporteringar från NGO: er och andra internationella aktörer samt om det skett något agerande från andra aktörer för mänskliga rättigheter i området. Uppsatsen kommer fram till att mänskliga rättigheter inte efterlevs till fullo i de tre undersökta områdena. Men uppsatsen visar även att det finns ett regionalt och internationellt engagemang för mänskliga rättigheter i områdena. Uppsatsens slutsats är att även om de mänskliga rättigheterna är begränsade och inte efterlevs till fullo i de undersöka områdena finns det både ett regionalt och internationellt intresse för mänskliga rättigheter i området. Resultatet uppsatsen kommer fram till är att den liberala utgångspunkten är den empiriskt närmsta. / This thesis aims to examine how human rights are complied with in Transnistria, Western Sahara and Kashmir, three disputed areas and how theoretical frameworks view and understand human rights in these areas. This thesis begins with examining the two theoretical frameworks; liberalism and realism to then use them on empirical cases with disputed areas. The thesis examines what the human rights situation looks like in disputed areas by examining reports from non-governmental organizations and other international actors, and if there has been any action from other human rights actors in the area. The thesis concludes that human rights are not fully complied with in the three areas studied. It also shows that regional and international actors are committed to the human rights situation in these areas. The thesis concludes that even though human rights are limited and not fully complied with in the areas studied, there is both a regional and international interest in human rights in the area. The result concludes is that the liberal theory is the closest to the empirical situation.

En vertu de la règle du principe dispositif qui s’applique au procès administratif, le litige est la chose des parties : la matière de l’instance est fixée par les écritures que les parties rédigent et qu’elles soumettent au juge administratif. L’essence de l’office de ce juge consiste à trancher le litige en répondant juridiquement aux prétentions et à l’argumentation développées par les parties dans leurs écritures. L’étendue de son intervention est donc tributaire de la formulation des écritures qu’il devrait se borner à interpréter littéralement, et ce même lorsqu’elles sont maladroitement rédigées. Pourtant, le juge s’autorise à les interpréter extensivement ou restrictivement. Les raisons qui président à ce choix sont incertaines. L’un des enjeux de cette recherche est de les clarifier. Elle doit aussi déterminer l’étendue de ce pouvoir, et notamment son caractère – est-ce une faculté ou une obligation ? –, les éléments des écritures susceptibles d’être interprétés, les parties dont les écrits peuvent être appréciés, les méthodes mobilisées, ou encore ses limites et les contrôles auxquels il est soumis. Mais, à cause du rôle central des écritures dans le procès administratif, leur interprétation peut avoir d’importantes conséquences sur cette instance. Certaines interprétations peuvent même la déstabiliser. La recherche doit donc envisager les mécanismes permettant de corriger ces déséquilibres. En interprétant les écritures des parties, le juge participe à la fixation de la matière de l’instance. Dès lors, cette étude doit, plus fondamentalement, contribuer à déterminer l’auteur de cette substance : les parties ou le juge ? / According to the principle of party autonomy that rules the administrative trial, the litigation is the thing of the parties: the disputed matter is set out in the contentious writings the parties submit to the administrative judge. The essence of the office of this judge is to settle the disputed by legally answering the claims and arguments developed by the parties in their written pleadings. The scope of his intervention is therefore dependent on the wording of the contentious writings, which the judge should confine himself to literally interpreting, even when they are badly written. However, he allows himself to interpret them extensively or restrictively. The reasons for this choice are uncertain. One of the stakes of this research is to clarify them. It must also determine the scope of that power, and in particular its character - is it a possibility or an obligation? -, the elements of the written submissions likely to be interpreted, the parties whose writings can be assessed, the methods used, or its limits and the controls to which it is subject. But, because of the central role of the written pleadings in the administrative process, their interpretation can have important consequences on this instance. Some interpretations can even destabilize it. This research should therefore consider ways to correct such imbalances. In interpreting the parties’ written submissions, the judge participates in the determination of the disputed matter. Consequently, this study must, more fundamentally, contribute to determining the author of this matter: the parties or the judge?

This thesis examines the Vienna Convention on succession of States in respect of State Property, Archives and Debts, which was adopted in 1983 but subsequently failed to enter into force as too few states ratified it. Attention is given to the section of the Convention concerned specifically with the fate of archives in state succession, and the reasons why most of the major western nations, in particular those who had formerly or still possessed colonies, voted against the text. Given that this thesis analyses the failure of the Convention largely in terms of the political and historical circumstances surrounding it, particular attention is given to the context of decolonisation and Third World activism which sought to combat the neocolonial order which followed decolonisation, as well as the relative decline in power of the Third World during the debt crises of the 1980s. The context of historical efforts to resolve archival disputes and create legal frameworks in which to do so is also examined, before considering some of the most irreconcilable points of contention at the conference itself in part three. The concluding section considers some of the criticism leveled at the conference in its aftermath, in particular claims from those western nations which voted against it, while looking at both the subsequent consequences of this failure and the prospects for future agreements. This is a two years master's thesis in Archival Science. / Denna uppsats granskar Wienkonventionen om statssuccession med avseende på statlig egendom, arkiv och skulder, som antogs 1983 men därefter inte trädde i kraft eftersom alltför få stater ratificerade den. Fokus läggs på den del av konventionen som berör statsarkiv specifikt, och skälen till varför de flesta av de stora länderna i väst, särskilt de som tidigare eller fortfarande hade kolonier, röstade emot avtalet. Med tanke på att denna uppsats analyserar misslyckandet av konventionen till stor del med avseende på de politiska och historiska omständigheterna kring den, ägnas särskild uppmärksamhet åt kontexten av avkolonisering och tredje världsaktivismen som försökte bekämpa den neokoloniala ordningen som följde avkoloniseringen, såväl som den relativa maktminskningen i tredje världen under skuldkrisen på 1980-talet. Kontexten för historiska försök att lösa arkivtvister och skapa rättsliga ramar för att göra det undersöks också. Sedan diskuteras några av de mest oförenliga ståndpunkterna vid själva konferensen i del tre. I den avslutande delen granskas en del av den kritik som riktades mot konferensen i dess efterdyningar, särskilt påståenden från de västländer som röstade emot den, samtidigt som man tittar på de efterföljande konsekvenserna av detta misslyckande och utsikterna för framtida avtal.