Thesis (LLM. (Labour Law)) -- University of Limpopo, 2022 / This study discusses the legal analysis of social security rights of domestic workers in the South African social security law. The notion social security is concerned with the protection of individuals during the happening of certain event such as unemployment, maternity, disability, old age, sickness, and death. For the purpose of this study, social insurance schemes which arise from the employment relationship will be explored. It is submitted that domestic workers like any other employees should also be afforded social security protection as envisaged in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (the Constitution). Therefore, domestic workers must also be provided social security rights arising out of their employment. Thus, the research process will involve thorough analysis of statutes, case law, textbooks and scholarly articles dealing with the social security law protection afforded to domestic workers, in particular the social insurance component of social security. For an exceptionally long time, domestic workers have been excluded from the formal employment sector, which followed that they were automatically excluded from social security protection. Despite section 9 of the Constitution, this espouses non-discrimination and equal treatment of all the workers in South Africa. To this end, there is no comprehensive social security system in South Africa that is capable of providing adequate social protection to domestic workers. For example, most domestic workers have no pension fund, and some are not registered with Unemployment Insurance fund and Compensation for Injuries and Diseases schemes.

Le travail domestique est une des formes d’emploi les plus anciennes au monde. Au Brésil, ce type de service tire son origine de l’esclavage, technique d’exploitation économique qui a marqué l’histoire du pays durant environ 400 (quatre cents) ans. Encore au XXIème siècle, le travail domestique est sous-évalué et peine à être reconnu comme un vrai travail. La législation nationale a progressé au point de reconnaitre aux employés de maison les mêmes droits dont jouissent les autres salariés (amendement constitutionnel, 2013). Le droit international du travail joue un rôle crucial dans l’encadrement de la situation des travailleuses domestiques au monde. La Convention concernant le travail décent pour les travailleurs et travailleuses domestiques (n° 189) et la Recommandation n° 201 l’accompagnant de l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) occupent une place importante dans la promotion du travail décent aux travailleurs domestiques. Malgré l’existence de normes – nationales et internationales – importantes, la problématique de la condition de travail et de vie des travailleuses domestiques au Brésil va au-delà de la législation, impliquant la notion culturelle de dévalorisation du travail domestique, cette même conception qui associe le travail à domicile à l’esclavage. / Domestic work is one of the oldest forms of employment in the world. In Brazil, this type of service has its roots in slavery, an economic exploitation technique that has marked the history of the country for about 400 (four hundred) years. Even in the XXI century, domestic work is undervalued and barely recognized as a real job. National legislation has progressed to the point of recognizing domestic workers the same rights enjoyed by other employees (Constitutional Amendment, 2013). The International labor law has a crucial importance in the supervision of the situation of domestic workers in the world. The Convention Concerning Decent Work for Domestic Workers (n° 189) and the Recommendation n° 201 of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) play a key role in promoting decent work for domestic workers. Despite the existence of relevant national and international standards, the matter of working and living conditions of domestic workers in Brazil goes beyond the legislation because it involves the notion of cultural devaluation of domestic work, the same idea that associates home work to slavery.

This dissertation examines collaborations between the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and non-union elements of global civil society (GCS). GCS is presented as a crucial emergent site of transnational class formation, and ITUC collaborations within this field are treated as potentially important moments in transnational class formation. The goal of the dissertation is threefold. It seeks to 1) address the lacuna in GCS studies around the involvement of organized labour; 2) provide an analysis of what ITUC GCS collaborations mean for the remit and repertoire of action of the ITUC; and 3) provide an analysis of the impact of ITUC collaborations on transnational class formation. What the findings show is that the ITUC is heavily engaged in GCS through numerous collaborations with non-union organizations concerned with environmental degradation, human rights, global economic inequality, and women workers. Most significantly, collaboration within GCS has provided the ITUC an avenue to incorporate the needs of marginalized women workers whose work does not “fit” into the traditional model of trade union organizing. These findings lead to the conclusion that these collaborations have allowed the ITUC to expand the remit of its activities beyond “bread-and-butter” unionism, and expand its repertoire of action beyond interstate diplomacy. However, the findings do not support the idea that the ITUC has adopted a social movement framework, although it is clear that the ethos of social movement unionism has had an impact on the organization. Nonetheless, the dissertation concludes that the incorporation of marginalized women workers, and the active engagement of the ITUC in global environmental policy debates, signifies a new moment in transnational class formation. / Graduate / 0629 / 0703 / davidbhuxtable@gmail.com

The premises of the Swedish tax deduction for domestic services (RUT) could in part be said to be based upon the assumption that formal employment will lead to social and gender equality. But is this always the case? The purpose of this paper is to examine ways in which the experience of influence and inclusion has been affected by formal employment amongst women from migrant backgrounds working in the Swedish domestic service sector. This group could be described as one of the more disadvantaged in society. To what extent do they experience an increased sense of influence and inclusion due to their work? Using a feminist, intersectional approach based on gender, social class and ethnicity, the experiences of these women have been analysed in order to answer the research question. Unlike related, previous research, this paper is based on a best-case scenario. Yet it still reveals a limited experience of influence and inclusion amongst women from migrant backgrounds. Working in the Swedish domestic service sector hasn’t affected their experience to any greater extent. Although the RUT employment can be said to strengthen these women’s resources in various ways, for instance by coming to the conclusion that you won’t be satisfied with poor working conditions, which in turn can lead to trade union membership, the opposite is also present. Negative assumptions about the capabilities of domestic workers and the exhausting nature of the work act as barriers. The combined experience can therefore be described as limited. If the purpose is to increase social and gender equality by affecting these women’s experience of influence and inclusion, there are other, more efficient ways, than RUT employment, to do it.

Cette thèse traite des effets de la migration sur le statut professionnel et social des travailleuses domestiques et des nouveaux rapports de subordination qui en découlent, analysés à l'intersection des rapports de genre, de classe et de « race ». Le but de cette recherche est d'aborder l'ordre hiérarchique de ces différents rapports et d'analyser les causes structurelles de la subordination. Les travailleuses migrantes chaoxianzu appartenaient à la classe symboliquement au pouvoir dans la Chine socialiste, en tant qu’ouvrières industrielles et agricoles. En examinant leur expérience de travail dans cinq villes de trois pays - France, Corée du Sud et Chine - nous analysons comment les conditions de travail de chaque société d’immigration affectent leur statut en tant que travailleuses. Les participantes à notre recherche vivent et perçoivent leur expérience de travail à la lumière de l’habitus professionnel de la Chine socialiste, basé sur la fierté en tant que travailleuses. Selon leur perception, dans la migration, elles ne changent pas pour un niveau hiérarchique et professionnel inférieur, mais souffrent, collectivement, de la position subalterne des travailleurs domestiques sans-papiers dans le référentiel de l’ordre hiérarchique de la société capitaliste. Plutôt qu'un travail trivial, elles perçoivent leur métier comme une somme de tâches nobles, physiques et émotionnelles. Elles s’inscrivent dans la chaîne globalisée du care. Mais, en s'interrogeant sur leur statut subalterne, elles remettent en cause la logique de reproduction de la hiérarchie sociale. / This thesis deals with the effects of migration on the occupational and social status of domestic workers and the resulting new relationships of subordination that are analyzed at the intersection of gender, class and ‘race’ relations. The purpose of this research is to address the hierarchical order of these different relationships and to analyze the structural causes of subordination. The Chaoxianzu women migrant workers belonged to the class symbolically in power in socialist China, as industrial and agricultural workers. By examining their work experience in five cities in three countries - France, South Korea and China - we analyze how the working conditions of each immigration society affect their status as women workers. The participants in our research live and perceive their work experience in light of their professional habitus of socialist China, based on pride as women workers. According to their perception, in migrating they do not change for a lower hierarchical and professional level, but collectively suffer from the subordinate position of undocumented domestic workers typical for capitalist society’s hierarchical order. Rather than perceiving their job as trivial, they see it as a sum of noble, physical and emotional tasks. They are part of the global chain of care. But, in questioning their subordinate status, they undermine the logic inherent to the reproduction of social hierarchies.

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This study reviews Rational Choice theory and Informal Institutions theory and uses new data to explain the persistence and scale of Argentina's informal domestic work sector. The domestic work sector in Argentina represents a typical case in Latin America: almost entirely dominated by women and high informality levels. The sector has had legal recognition for over a decade, but most of the sector's workers work under precarious conditions without access to those stipulated rights. In line with the adoption of new feminist policies during the last decade in Argentina, recent governments have brought more attention to women working in the domestic sector. This study investigates the implementation of a current financial incentive called Registradas which aims to increase registration levels in the domestic work sector. The material was collected during 29 weeks in Buenos Aires through interviews, surveys with employers, and observational studies from a Facebook group with domestic workers. The findings suggest that the two theories complement each other. Employers and employees in the domestic work sector act rationally from self-interest. However, unwritten rules, expectations of others' behavior, and perceptions of domestic work as an occupation also influence both groups' perceptions of choice and cost evaluation. These unwritten rules restrict and disadvantage employees due to power imbalances, gender norms, lack of information about their labor rights, and poverty. Finally, the study found that the program Registradas has had little effect on the sector's informality rates. The RCT suggests that the low impact could be due to formal employment not being a costly beneficial choice for the employers and neither the employees. This conclusion, however, needs to be understood in a context where labor laws and social security are not systematically and effectively enforced. Weak formal institutions thus enable a competing informal institution of informal employment and, ultimately, costs and benefits of the available choices for employers and employees. / Este estudio revisa la teoría de la Elección Racional y la teoría de las InstitucionesInformales, y utiliza nuevos datos para explicar la persistencia y la escala del sector informaldel trabajo doméstico en Argentina. El sector del trabajo doméstico en Argentina representaun caso típico en América Latina: está dominado casi en su totalidad por mujeres y presentaaltos niveles de informalidad. Aunque el sector cuenta con reconocimiento legal desde hacemás de una década, la mayoría de las trabajadoras del sector laboran en condicionesprecarias, sin acceso a los derechos estipulados. En línea con la adopción de nuevaspolíticas feministas durante la última década en Argentina, los últimos gobiernos hanprestado más atención a las mujeres que trabajan en el sector doméstico. Este estudioinvestiga la implementación del incentivo económico actual llamado Programa Registradas,el cual tiene como objetivo aumentar la formalidad del sector doméstico. El material serecopiló durante 29 semanas en Buenos Aires, mediante entrevistas, encuestas aempleadores y estudios observacionales de un grupo de Facebook con trabajadorasdomésticas. Los resultados sugieren que las dos teorías se complementan. Tanto losempleadores como los empleados del sector doméstico actúan racionalmente en función desus propios intereses. Sin embargo, las reglas no escritas, las expectativas sobre elcomportamiento de los demás y la percepción del trabajo doméstico como una ocupacióntambién influyen en la percepción de la elección y la evaluación de costos de ambos grupos.Estas reglas no escritas restringen y perjudican a las empleadas debido a los desequilibriosde poder, las normas de género, la falta de información sobre sus derechos laborales y lapobreza. Finalmente, el estudio encontró que, hasta la fecha, el Programa Registradas noha tenido ningún efecto significativo en la reducción de la tasa de informalidad del sector. Lateoría de la Elección Racional sugiere que el bajo impacto podría deberse a que el empleoformal no es una opción costosa ni beneficiosa ni para los empleadores ni para losempleados. Sin embargo, esta conclusión debe entenderse en un contexto en el que lalegislación laboral y la obra social no se aplican de forma sistemática y eficaz. La debilidadde las instituciones formales permite, por tanto, una institución informal competidora delempleo informal y, en última instancia, influye en los costos y beneficios de las opcionesdisponibles para empresarios y trabajadores.

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