The problem being investigated here is the development of earthenware clay bodies and Egyptian paste formulae which can be combined in the production of decorative ceramic forms, and the development of some forms using these materials. Information presented in this report was obtained through laboratory experiments in which the formulae were developed, tested, and evaluated. Application techniques used are presented in detail, and a range of earthenware and Egyptian paste color formulae are included for the production of this ware. Physical and aesthetic compatibility of the materials is discussed. This highly textural, decorative ceramic ware matures and glazes in a single low-temperature firing, application techniques are simple, and the materials required for its production are found in all well stocked ceramic studios.

Raman spectroscopy is a vibrational spectroscopic technique. It gives a unique combination of non-destructive analysis, high spatial resolution and phase characterisation. In the current study Raman spectroscopy was used as the primary technique during the study of chemical components in archaeological earthenware samples (i.e. low temperature fired clay pottery) of South African and Chinese origin, and characterisation of iron oxides derived from mill scale. One shard from each of the South African archaeological sites (Rooiwal, Lydenburg, Makahane and Graskop) was analysed by Raman spectroscopy, FT-IR spectroscopy, X-ray fluorescence (XRF) spectroscopy and X-ray diffractometry (XRD). The common features observed were montmorillonite (Mg3(Si,Al)4(OH)2.4.5H2O[Mg]0.35), kaolin (Al2Si2O5(OH)5), quartz (α-SiO2), feldspar (K- and NaAlSi3O8), hematite (α-Fe2O3), calcium silicate (CaSiO3) and illite (KAl4(Si7AlO20)(OH)4). Gypsum (CaSO4.2H2O) and calcium carbonates (CaCO3) were detected in Lydenburg, Makahane and Graskop shards. Amorphous carbon was observed in Lydenburg and Makahane shards while rutile appeared only in Makahane shard. The Lydenburg and Rooiwal shards showed the presence of anhydrite (CaSO4). The Chinese clay samples investigated by Raman spectroscopy were from the J A Van Tilburg museum at the University of Pretoria. The large red shard was recovered from the 1552 Portuguese shipwreck, São João, found around Port Edward, South Africa. Four other shards (two red and two gray) were recovered from the 1622 Portuguese shipwreck, the São João Baptista, found around Kenton-on-Sea off the South African coast. A 19th century Chinese teapot was also analysed. Hematite, kaolin, quartz, amorphous carbon and aluminosilicates were observed in all three red shards. All these components, except quartz, were also observed in the teapot. The gray shards showed the presence of quartz, kaolin, amorphous carbon and aluminosilicates. The pigments identified were hematite (in red samples) and black amorphous carbon (in all samples). Magnetite and goethite were precipitated from mill scale-derived precursors in aqueous media. Hematite was then prepared from the calcination of goethite at 750°C and maghemite from the thermal treatment of magnetite at 200°C. The iron oxides were characterised by Raman spectroscopy, XRD, surface area determination and scanning electron microscopy (SEM). They were generally composed of very small sized particles showing high surface area values. / Thesis (PHD)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Chemistry / unrestricted

In my photographic work, I contrast natural and man-made objects abstracted by manipulation of scale. Details of the objects are blown up to proportions larger than life. By distorting the scale, I aim to allow the audience to view the image out of context, enabling the viewer to see it for its aesthetic value rather than the object's functional purpose.

Le territoire industriel dont Martres-Tolosane est devenu le centre éponyme a une histoire ancienne. L’origine de la production céramique moderne est italienne et remonte au XVIe siècle. Peut-être attirés par les seigneurs locaux, les premiers potiers qui s’installent à Plagne, village proche de Martres, profitent de la présence de marnes calcaires et de forêts abondantes. Dès 1737, des faïenciers, principalement issus de Nevers, arrivent dans les nouvelles manufactures de faïence de Marignac-Laspeyres, Martres-Tolosane et Terrebasse. Après la Révolution, un « Système Productif et Commercial Localisé » se met en place. La pluri-activité des paysans-ouvriers est au cœur de ce système soutenu par une population en forte croissance et par la modicité des capitaux initiaux nécessaires. Des fermes-ateliers et des petites fabriques se créées sur une vingtaine de communes autour de Martres et commercent jusqu’à l’international. Cette réussite repose aussi sur la politique sociale des élites de Martres qui, en assurant une redistribution des revenus communaux, atténuent les effets de la prolétarisation, maintient des salaires bas et perpétuent la société rurale ancienne. La dépopulation de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle touche l’activité qui se rétracte et ne résiste qu’en s’adaptant à la demande en faïence traditionnelle. Les faïenciers copient les motifs des centres français réputés, stratégie de niche qui leur permet de fournir en faïence-cadeaux durant le XXe siècle, les principales régions touristiques. En parallèle, la faïence s’ancre dans le territoire et devient un « produit de terroir » que la crise des années 1970 et les changements de mode semblent condamner. / The industrial area of which Martres-Tolosane has become the eponymous center has a long history. The origin of modern ceramic production is Italian and goes back to the XVIth century. Maybe attracted by the local Lords, the first potters who settle in Plagne, a village near Martres, take advantage of the presence of calcareous clay and plentiful forests. As early as 1737, earthenware makers, mainly from Nevers, arrive in the new earthenware factories created locally. After the French Revolution, a "Productive and Commercial Localised System” is set up. The various activities of the peasant workers are at the heart of this system, supported by a fast growing population and by the small amount of initial capital necessary. Farm-workshops and small factories are established in about twenty communities around Martres and they trade even on the international level. This success is also supported by the social action of the elites of Martres who, by assuring a redistribution of the municipal income, alleviate the effects of the proletarisation, maintain low salaries and perpetuate the old rural society. The depopulation of the second half of the XIXth century affects the activity which retracts and survives only by adapting to the demand for traditional earthenware. Earthenware makers copy the motives of renowned French centers, a niche strategy which allows them to supply the main tourist regions with earthenware gifts during the XXth century. At the same time), earthenware takes root in the area and becomes a “product of the land” that the crisis of the 1970s and the changes of fashion seem to condemn.

L'épanouissement économique des manufactures de céramiques françaises tout au long du XIXe siècle et au début du XXe siècle est propice à la revalorisation des valeurs industrielles au sein des arts décoratifs. Les industriels s’appliquent à fournir des produits de qualité à moindre coût, à toutes les classes, grâce aux améliorations techniques et à l'abaissement des coûts des techniques décoratives. À partir des années 1860, les productions japonisantes participant à ce phénomène se diffusent dans les intérieurs bourgeois et entrent dans un cadre plus général : celui des productions céramiques reproduites à grande échelle, mises en œuvre par des fabriques à Paris et en province tout au long de la période concernée, y compris durant l'entre deux-guerres. En privilégiant dans un même mouvement collectif tel style, telle forme et tel décor, les différents milieux fournissaient aux fabricants et aux créateurs de modèles une direction à suivre dans la production du japonisme en céramique. Les artistes industriels ont dès lors cherché à surmonter la fracture entre art d'élite et goût populaire. Ces nouveaux objets peu coûteux devaient correspondre à des critères esthétiques et pratiques très hétérogènes. La stratégie commerciale des manufactures de céramiques et des centres de distribution a de fait été façonnée en conséquence. Le bibelot en céramique, facilement manipulable, illustre par ailleurs les représentations d’un pays imaginé et appréhendé de manière collective grâce aux expositions, au cinéma, au théâtre et à la littérature. Ces images contribuent à l’émergence d’une culture populaire urbaine dont le caractère commercial est assumé ; en ce sens, cette céramique fait partie de l’univers du « kitsch » en tant que communication de masse utilisée par la classe moyenne. / The economic growth of manufacturing earthenware and porcelain in the province triggered a flourishing industrial standard in the decorative arts. The Beautiful and Industry are the two new values inseparable, celebrated by the production of French ceramics until the end of the first half of the twentieth century. Manufacturers want to provide quality products at lower costs to all classes. Improvements in ceramic materials and technical casting, as well as lowering the cost of decorative techniques, have encouraged the opening up the hierarchy of decorative arts. These new technical processes took part in the improvement of living conditions of the bourgeoisie and smaller classes. Japanese style productions were large-scale diffused in bourgeois interiors since 1860’s. These works fall into a broader context: the large-scale pottery production, implemented by factories in Paris and the provinces throughout the period, including during the interwar period. Industrialization brings to market products that must seek the attention of all classes. These inexpensive items had to correspond to aesthetic and practical heterogeneous criterion. By focusing on the same style as collective motion, such as shape and decoration, the different environments provided producers a direction to follow in models making. Business strategy of manufacturing has been designed accordingly. The ceramics “curio”, easy to handle, illustrates the representations of an imagined and apprehended country in a collective way thanks to exhibitions, movies, plays and literature. These representations contribute to the emergence of an urban popular culture whose commercial character is clearly assumed. This ceramics is part of the universe of “kitsch” as mass communications used by the middle class.

De son apparition dans les cours raffinées du lointain Orient islamisé à son exploitation industrielle en Occident, les procédés d’élaboration et les usages de la faïence ont évolué. En France, en l’état actuel des connaissances, l’introduction de cette technique remonte à l’époque gothique. Elle se manifeste alors de manière simultanée, dans des zones géographiques spécifiques, ponctuellement utilisée dans la composition de quelques luxueux pavements, où elle coexiste fréquemment avec des carreaux de terre cuite à glaçure transparente de tradition indigène. De tels pavements, parce qu’ils témoignent de la rencontre entre deux traditions techniques et culturelles, apparaissent comme des objets d’étude privilégiés pour appréhender conjointement les questions relatives à l’origine, la production et la consommation que pose la « faïence » à ses débuts en France. À partir de l’approche globale du cas de Suscinio, choisi en raison de son exemplarité, les chemins que cette technique exogène a empruntés et les raisons de son utilisation ont pu être précisés. Les données techniques, iconographiques et analytiques collectées grâce à la démarche méthodologique proposée apportent de nouveaux éléments de réponse. Ainsi, l’importation de produits finis et l’expérimentation locale ont pu être exclues au profit de l’importation de savoirs techniques ou du transfert de connaissances. Le répertoire iconographique et le style de tradition gothique ont montré qu’il y avait eu adaptation de la technique à un nouveau milieu socio-culturel. Son utilisation dans des lieux de l’édifice particuliers et particulièrement importants ne servait pas seulement une démonstration de pouvoir mais lui conférait également le statut de marqueur spatial, hiérarchique et social. / Tin-glazed earthenware manufacturing and use changed from its beginnings in the refined courts of the Islamic Far East up to its manufacturing in the West. In France, the technique was introduced during the Gothic period. It appears simultaneously, in specific geographical areas, at times used in the composition of luxurious floor-tiles where it often coexists with indigenous transparent high-lead glazed tiles. Such floor-tiles bear witness to the meeting between two technical and cultural traditions. That is the reason why they are particularly appropriate when studying together issues relating to the geographical origin, production and consumption of tin-glazed earthenware technique at its beginnings in France. The ways followed by this exogenous technique and the reasons for its use were clarified through the overall approach of the exemplary case of Suscinio. Technical, iconographical and analytical data collected by using a multidisciplinary methodology have provided some answers. Imported products and local experimentation can be excluded in favor of imported skills or transfer of knowledge. The Gothic tradition of the iconography and the style showed that the technique was adapted to a new socio-cultural context. Its use in particular and particularly important places was not only reserved to a manifestation of power but also worked as spatial, hierarchical and social markers.

O ano era 1912, e um imigrante italiano e um grupo de irmãos provindos da aristocracia fazendeira encontraram-se nos escritórios sobre o famoso Café Guarany, no pulsante coração comercial da cidade, o Triângulo, para combinarem os trâmites à fundação da primeira fábrica de louças em faiança fina do país, em moldes industriais, produção em série e larga escala, no, então, rural bairro da Lapa. Assim teve início a história da Fábrica de Louças Santa Catharina, posteriormente Indústrias Reunidas Fábricas Matarazzo (IRFM) - São Paulo, que abarrotou a cidade de São Paulo com toneladas de louças brancas ou decoradas feitas em seus inúmeros fornos. Fundada no fulcro dos projetos de modernização para a Paulicéia tão desvairada, fábrica e louças dialogaram com as conjunturas das quais eram agência e estrutura. Formas e motivos espalharam-se pelos diversos consumidores da cidade, desbancando, muitas vezes, o monopólio da louça branca estrangeira, da qual se diferenciou produzindo-se segundo lógicas e tecnologias locais. Esta pesquisa baseia-se na análise do sítio arqueológico Petybon, no bairro da Lapa, cidade de São Paulo, região da Água Branca/Vila Romana, escavado no ano de 2003, que revelou ter sido o local de uma antiga fábrica de louças em faiança fina, inaugurada em 1913, fundada meio à maciça imigração italiana e o financiamento das indústrias pelo capital do café. Funcionou até 1937, já pertencente aos Matarazzo que a adquiriram em 1927. O local tem extrema relevância não apenas no contexto da Arqueologia Urbana no Brasil, como também enquanto exemplar dos primórdios da industrialização do país e da história da produção da louça nacional, parcamente tratada pela literatura, pouco valorizada e identificada, apesar de sua freqüência nos sítios arqueológicos do século XX. / The year was 1912, and an Italian immigrant and a group of brothers, drawn from an Aristocratic family farmer, met at an office above the famous Guarany Coffee House, in the beating heart of the city, the Triangle, to establish a fellowship and combine the procedures to the foundation of the first refined earthenware factory in the country, based on an industrial manufacturing, by a mass and large scale production, at the rural district of Lapa. That was the beginning of the history of Santa Catharina Pottery Factory, later Matarazzo United Manufacturing - São Paulo, who crammed São Paulo city with tons of white or decorated pottery, made in its many kilns. Forged at the center of modernizations project for the city, the pottery and factory dialogue with the contexts whose were agency and structure. Forms and motifs spread out by various consumers, beating, often, the foreign pearlware and whiteware monopoly, from whom it was distinguished by organizing itself according with its own logic and technology development. This research is based on the analysis of Petybon archaeological site, in the neighborhood of Lapa, São Paulo, at the region known as Água Branca / Vila Romana, excavated in 2003, which appeared to have been the site of one of the firsts refined earthenware factories, opened at 1913, founded through the massive Italian immigration and the financing of industries by coffee profits. Worked until 1937, then belonging to the Matarazzo Family, who acquired it in 1927. The site is extremely important not only in the context of Brazilian Urban Archeology, but also as an example of the early industrialization in Brazil and the history of national pottery industry, barely treated by literature, almost unknown and unappreciated, despite its frequency at Brazilian archaeological site from the 20th century.

O ano era 1912, e um imigrante italiano e um grupo de irmãos provindos da aristocracia fazendeira encontraram-se nos escritórios sobre o famoso Café Guarany, no pulsante coração comercial da cidade, o Triângulo, para combinarem os trâmites à fundação da primeira fábrica de louças em faiança fina do país, em moldes industriais, produção em série e larga escala, no, então, rural bairro da Lapa. Assim teve início a história da Fábrica de Louças Santa Catharina, posteriormente Indústrias Reunidas Fábricas Matarazzo (IRFM) - São Paulo, que abarrotou a cidade de São Paulo com toneladas de louças brancas ou decoradas feitas em seus inúmeros fornos. Fundada no fulcro dos projetos de modernização para a Paulicéia tão desvairada, fábrica e louças dialogaram com as conjunturas das quais eram agência e estrutura. Formas e motivos espalharam-se pelos diversos consumidores da cidade, desbancando, muitas vezes, o monopólio da louça branca estrangeira, da qual se diferenciou produzindo-se segundo lógicas e tecnologias locais. Esta pesquisa baseia-se na análise do sítio arqueológico Petybon, no bairro da Lapa, cidade de São Paulo, região da Água Branca/Vila Romana, escavado no ano de 2003, que revelou ter sido o local de uma antiga fábrica de louças em faiança fina, inaugurada em 1913, fundada meio à maciça imigração italiana e o financiamento das indústrias pelo capital do café. Funcionou até 1937, já pertencente aos Matarazzo que a adquiriram em 1927. O local tem extrema relevância não apenas no contexto da Arqueologia Urbana no Brasil, como também enquanto exemplar dos primórdios da industrialização do país e da história da produção da louça nacional, parcamente tratada pela literatura, pouco valorizada e identificada, apesar de sua freqüência nos sítios arqueológicos do século XX. / The year was 1912, and an Italian immigrant and a group of brothers, drawn from an Aristocratic family farmer, met at an office above the famous Guarany Coffee House, in the beating heart of the city, the Triangle, to establish a fellowship and combine the procedures to the foundation of the first refined earthenware factory in the country, based on an industrial manufacturing, by a mass and large scale production, at the rural district of Lapa. That was the beginning of the history of Santa Catharina Pottery Factory, later Matarazzo United Manufacturing - São Paulo, who crammed São Paulo city with tons of white or decorated pottery, made in its many kilns. Forged at the center of modernizations project for the city, the pottery and factory dialogue with the contexts whose were agency and structure. Forms and motifs spread out by various consumers, beating, often, the foreign pearlware and whiteware monopoly, from whom it was distinguished by organizing itself according with its own logic and technology development. This research is based on the analysis of Petybon archaeological site, in the neighborhood of Lapa, São Paulo, at the region known as Água Branca / Vila Romana, excavated in 2003, which appeared to have been the site of one of the firsts refined earthenware factories, opened at 1913, founded through the massive Italian immigration and the financing of industries by coffee profits. Worked until 1937, then belonging to the Matarazzo Family, who acquired it in 1927. The site is extremely important not only in the context of Brazilian Urban Archeology, but also as an example of the early industrialization in Brazil and the history of national pottery industry, barely treated by literature, almost unknown and unappreciated, despite its frequency at Brazilian archaeological site from the 20th century.