This study focuses on the future role and nature of an e-voting system for a future electoral system in South Africa. The study is of the view that rapid technological advancement and opportunities may contribute to efficient and effective e-voting systems. The study will investigate the international experience where initiatives have been undertaken, particularly in countries like the USA, the Netherlands, India, and Nigeria. Lessons born out of experience have been identified to highlight best practice and potential problems to be avoided in our future elections. As an outcome, the study indirectly seeks ways to increase turnout, particularly amongst the youth, increase voting access (everywhere and anytime), cost effectiveness and availability of quick national election results. The primary objective of this study has been to develop future options for the planning and design of an e-voting for South Africa. From the outset of this research, the critical issue was not only about e-voting, but rather the planning and designing of an e-voting system. Suffice it to say that the central issue about e-voting was not whether electronic voting should be developed but how and in what ways it should be designed and planned for successful implementation. Interestingly enough, this question has been bothering the IEC as well, particularly pertaining to planning (see 1.5.3). In a nutshell, it is against this background that experts on elections were interviewed. The research investigation found that many problems still existed in South African elections. This research found that both participation and communication are the main pillars in any policy or project. The study revealed that e-voting would appeal to younger voters and will subsequently boost turnout in SA. In a nutshell, this study found that members of the public and election experts were in favor of telephone voting and SMS, Internet voting, and EVMs. However, it was noted that rural communities would benefit in the long run from e-voting because they are still faced with an infrastructure backlog. Proper planning supported by sound planning principles need to be done to ensure that a e-voting in SA will be made successful and specific recommendations were made in this regard. / Magister Administrationis - MAdmin

No description available.

<p>This study focuses on the future role and nature of an e-voting system for a future electoral system in South Africa. The study is of the view that rapid technological advancement and opportunities may contribute to efficient and effective e-voting systems. The study will investigate the international experience where initiatives have been undertaken, particularly in countries like the USA, the Netherlands, India, and Nigeria. Lessons born out of experience have been identified to highlight best practice and potential problems to be avoided in our future elections. As an outcome, the study indirectly seeks ways to increase turnout, particularly amongst the youth, increase voting access (everywhere and anytime), cost effectiveness and availability of quick national election results.</p> <p><br /> The primary objective of this study has been to develop future options for the planning and design of an e-voting for South Africa. From the outset of this research, the critical issue was not only about e-voting, but rather the planning and designing of an e-voting system. Suffice it to say that the central issue about e-voting was not whether electronic voting should be developed but how and in what ways it should be designed and planned for successful implementation. Interestingly enough, this question has been bothering the IEC as well, particularly pertaining to planning (see 1.5.3). In a nutshell, it is against this background that experts on elections were interviewed. The research investigation found that many problems still existed in South African elections. This research found that both participation and communication are the main pillars in any policy or project.</p> <p><br /> The study revealed that e-voting would appeal to younger voters and will subsequently boost turnout in SA. In a nutshell, this study found that members of the public and election experts were in favor of telephone voting and SMS, Internet voting, and EVMs. However, it was noted that rural communities would benefit in the long run from e-voting because they are still faced with an infrastructure backlog. Proper planning supported by sound planning principles need to be done to ensure that a e-voting in SA will be made successful and specific recommendations were made in this regard.</p>

Thesis (B.A.)--Haverford College, Dept. of Economics, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references.

Memoria para optar al título de Periodista / La presente memoria para optar al título de periodista de la Universidad de Chile trata acerca de la descripción del eje visual de la campaña política de Michelle Bachelet Jeria para las elecciones presidenciales de 2013 y cómo distintos factores interactúan en la construcción del relato político-social que disputó con otras ocho candidaturas, describiendo dicha construcción visual desde sus actores. La problematización nace de la patente realidad de que hoy las campañas políticas son eminentemente visuales, más que conceptuales o lingüísticas. La ciudadanía contemporánea ve imágenes de sus representantes y se interrelaciona con ellas preferentemente. Un vínculo entre políticos, ciudadanos y medios que se hace más reiterativo en momentos de coyunturas electorales, donde candidatos y candidatas utilizan diversos soportes materiales para mostrar su imagen. Por tanto, un candidato/a se jugará, quizás, más sus cartas en una franja televisiva que en un debate de campaña.

No description available.

In December 2007, Kenya held a presidential election. The incumbent was Mwai Kibaki of the Party of National Unity (PNU). His political opponent was Raila Odinga of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM). The vote was peaceful and described by many in positive terms; that is, a continuation of the positive democratic transition that Kenya began toward the end of the 1990s. However, many in Kenya accused the government of foul play, when the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) delayed declaring a winner for two days. The ECK eventually declared Kibaki President, and rushed the swearing - in ceremony, skipping the stipulated 72 hours. Two days after declaring Kibaki president, Samuel Kivuitu, the chair of the ECK, admitted he did not know whether Kibaki had won the elections. He insisted that he had agreed to release the results and announce Kibaki as president, under pressure from above. Kenya then experienced its worst bout of violence since the Mau Mau rebellion, before independence. The Post - Election Violence (PEV) lasted two months. It was resolved following an agreement, the Kenya National and Reconciliation Dialogue (K N D R), negotiated by a Panel of Eminent Personalities. The fighting parties agreed to form a Government of National Unity (GNU), a Commission of Enquiry into the Post - Election Violence (CIPEV) and an Independent Review Commission on the General elections (Kriegler Commission). The GNU was to have Kibaki reinstated as President, to add the post of Prime Minister for Odinga, and was to undertake a reconciliation and accountability process, prosecuting perpetrators. This thesis seeks to determine what were the politics that led Kenya to prosecute those who bore greatest responsibility for the PEV. More specifically, what were the politics that resulted in selecting the ICC, as the court where individuals were going to be held accountable?

<p>Abstract</p><p>The topic of this thesis is electoral systems and electoral reform in Zambia. In Africa, democratization is on its way in many countries. However, the democratic upswing in the early 1990s was in most countries followed by a standstill. In recent years the tendency has been a renewal of democratization which makes it possible to reach new heights. As a part of this recent democratic progress questions regarding constitutional reform and electoral reform have been raised. It is within that context that this thesis has its setting. In search for the incentives behind electoral reform the purpose of this thesis revolves around what the consequences are of the current electoral system in Zambia. A complimentary purpose is how an electoral reform can take place and what it might result in.</p><p>A qualitative literature study with a hermeneutic approach has been used in this thesis. A theoretical framework has been created which focuses on different types of electoral systems and their respective consequences on the political system. Important key points of electoral reform have been discussed to give an understanding and foundation for the analysis. The result of the study is that there are several negative consequences with the current electoral system in Zambia. The negative effects range from minority and gender marginalization, lacking representation, weak governments with lacking legitimacy and wasted votes. Some surprising positive traits include the absence of ethnic politization, from time to time a strong opposition and possibilities of coherent policing. It is also believed that there is a profound support for an electoral reform with in many levels of the country and there are.</p> / <p>Sammanfattning</p><p>Denna uppsats tar sin start i valsystem och valreform i Zambia. Demokratisering är ett vanligt tema i Afrika och många länder är i full gång med att befästa sin nyvunna mark. Det demokratiska uppsving som kunde ses i början av 1900-talet följdes i många länder utav ett stillestånd i utvecklingen. På senare år har en tydlig tendens kunnat ses där demokratiseringen på nytt har tagit fart. Som en konsekvens av denna nytända demokratisering i Afrika har frågor kring valsystem, valreform och dess effekter på det politiska systemet börjat att cirkulera. Det är i det sammanhanget som uppsatsen finner sig.</p><p>På uppdrag att finna vad som driver valreform, cirkulerar syftet med denna uppsats kring vilka konsekvenser det nutida valsystemet har i Zambia. Ett kompletterande syfte, eller frågeställning, för analysen vidare mot valreform och vilka utsikter som finns. En kvalitativ literaturstudie med en hermeneutisk ansats har använts i denna uppsatsen. Ett teoretiskt ramverk har skapats som fokuserar kring olika valsystem och deras respektive konsekvenser för det politiska systemet. Teorier kring valreform har också beskrivits och diskuterats fär att ge en förståelse och bakgrund till analysen. Slutsatsen för uppsatsen är att det finns många negativa kopplingar till valsystemet I Zambia. De tydligaste effekterna är att minoriteter och kvinnor blockeras från att delta i parlamentet, att svaga regeringar har funnits trots ett pluralistiskt valsystem som i sig självt har resulterat i en legitimitetsbrist och bortfallna röster. En del positiva inslag kunde även hittas, däribland en saknad av etniska konflikter, en stundom stark opposition och en möjlighet till sammanhängande politik. Som en del av resultatet verkar det också som att det finns ett stöd för en valreform på många olika nivår i Zambia. Detta anses vara nödvändigt om Zambia vill fortsätta att utveckla sin demokrati.</p>

The Finnish electoral system was introduced in 1906 and elections were held the following year. Since 1906, all women and men have been eligible to vote and to be nominated in elections. The age of eligibility has been successively lowered from 24 in 1906 to 21 in 1944, to 20 in 1969 and to 18 in 1972. The Finnish parliament (Eduskunta) consists of 200 MPs elected from 15 districts. Except the &#x00C5;land Island district elects a single member, the other 14 districts are all multi-member (the district magnitude is determined by the population size). Basically, the Finnish electoral system is a list system of proportional representation with multi-member constituencies. The allocation of seats to parties (including party alliance) is following the d'Hondt method. The Finnish electoral system has undergone some transformations since it was originally introduced in 1906. As it works today, general elections are held every four years (there is a provision for premature dissolutions of parliament¡Va presidential prerogative). There is no predetermined order of the candidates within each list. The names of the candidates are normally printed on large sheets of paper, where each candidate has a number, and the names may be organized within each list for example in alphabetical order. The ballot paper is a small slip of paper, where the voter has to write the number of the candidate for whom he or she is voting. The individual votes thus received by different candidates within each list (normally each list corresponds to one party or a coalition of several smaller parties) will determine their final order. In other words, the voter has the duty to vote for a single candidate, and the electoral campaign is very much oriented accordingly, as a competition between individuals, although the voters presumably are also aware of the party affiliation of the candidates and of the fact that their votes will benefit not only the individual candidate but also the party in question. When the votes have been counted and the order of the candidates within each list thus has been established, the final allocation of seats to the lists is carried out by the election board on the basis of comparison numbers, using the d'Hondt method. At the allocation stage, the individual votes of candidates are no longer relevant, as the order has already been established, and the lists compete with each other on the basis of the total votes received for each list. Therefore, the election is not exclusively a competition between parties; it is also a competition between single candidates on the party list. Because of the deadlock at present on Taiwan's electoral reformation, I personally think that Finland's electoral system will probably be a good solution to the problems of electoral system in Taiwan, and should be included in the discussion of improving our electoral system. Hence, I recommend that Finland's model will probably be suitable to Taiwan and deserve more attention in the current discussion on Taiwan's electoral reformation.

The matter of a gender gap in electoral participation is a fact in many parts of the world but has mostly been investigated by, and studied within, the Global North. In spite of this, scholars have not reached an undisputed conclusion for why this is. Scholars have argued for the importance of studying the institutions and systems composing voting in order to explain electoral participation, especially since the form and degree of direct influence of voters are differing within different electoral systems. Relying on the rational voter hypothesis in combination with feminist theory this thesis suggests that women have different experiences of civic duty and influence, and therefore participate in elections to a lesser extent than men. The main results suggest that presidentialism, to an extent which is neither statistically nor practically significant, decrease women’s electoral participation while majoritarian electoral rules seem to have an even smaller, but similar, effect. Testing electoral systems’ effect on the gender gap, statistically significant results points to the fact that presidentialism increases the gender gap in electoral participation. Majoritarian electoral rules do too increase the gender gap, but to a more restricted extent. This thesis concludes that electoral systems do have a gendered effect on electoral participation and that these effects need to be further investigated by future research.