ABSTRACT The purpose of the thesis is to investigate the differences of the political advertising strategy in television commercials among three major candidates in the Year 2000 Presidential Election in Taiwan, including the video-style and relevance between the electoral adverting strategy and the performance. After analyzing the video-style of the three major candidates, firstly, I found they centered on projecting candidates¡¦ their own image. Secondly, they attacked the opponents¡¦ personal feature. My analysis concludes that the political advertising strategy in the Year 2000 Presidential Election in Taiwan can called ¡§compared strategy¡¨. Bian-camps consolidate his strength and supply his weakness with his TV. commercials. Soong-camps were directed to project his image; Lien-camps had no the consistency between the political advertising strategy and the spot. Last but not least, there is no conclusion for the proper amount of ads in campaign. Statistically speaking, in recent years, the mainstream idea for the content of the advertisements in U. S. is more issue-oriented, whereas the major idea in Taiwan is image projection. On the other hand, in Taiwan, the lengths of ads are getting shorter and shorter and the manipulations of the party symbols are as popular as it was in the past.

Political party is a outcome of modern democracy states. Political party is also the way of the operation of the modern democracy states. Philippines is the first state of the southeast Asia states to carry out democratic politics, but along with the political strongman that Ferdinard Macos declared the martial law, the democracy in Philippines turned back the wheel of history. Although Mrs. Corazon Aquino won the president election with the people's power in 1986, she renewed Philippines to make new constitution, and made it go back the democratic regime. However, the democratic regime of Philippines had been destroyed by Ferdinard Macos. In the past decades, stability of two-party system in Philippines had been disappeared. That has the name of ¡udemocracy shadow¡vof Philippines, frailty democracy is obviously. After Taiwan declared the martial law ended, the development of parties in Taiwan mushroomed, the transition of party-system from one dominant party system to multi-party system, the development in the future will bend toward the stable two-party system. Under the foundation of near time point that Philippines and Taiwan' democratic development, what are the diversity of parties of two states after the democratic development, we will compare with the similarities and dissimilarities on the Philippines and Taiwan's Parties, including party-system, party structure and the impact on party of electoral system, discussing and analyzing the reasons. By the institutionalism approach , we observe the influence on the parties and political environment. Eventually, we will make compares, induction and analysis on the character and tendency in the future on parties of two states.

While clientelism has been intensively studied in comparative politics from very different theoretical perspectives and angles, scholars typically emphasize the importance of organized networks and long-term relations for sustaining electoral clientelism. However, electoral clientelism continues to be widespread in many countries despite the absence of organized parties or electoral machines. In order to account for this puzzle, I propose an informational approach that stresses the indirect effects that investments in electoral clientelism have on vote intentions. By distributing minor consumer goods, politicians buy the participation of poor voters at rallies and different sorts of campaign events. I argue that this particular subtype of electoral clientelism -- "campaign clientelism" -- helps politicians improvise political organizations, influence indifferent clients, and signal their electoral viability to strategic actors. Thus, by influencing competition and the dynamics of the race, campaign clientelism shapes vote choices and electoral outcomes. Campaign clientelism affects vote choices through two causal mechanisms. First, this subtype of electoral clientelism can help establish candidates' electoral viability, especially where alternative signals provided by well-organized parties are weak. By turning out large numbers of people at rallies, candidates establish and demonstrate their electoral prospects to the media, donors, rent-seeking activists, and voters. In this way, politicians induce more and more voters to support them strategically. Second, campaign clientelism can convince unattached rally participants of the candidates' electoral desirability. While providing different sorts of information at campaign events, politicians help campaign clients make choices. Other things being equal, viable and desirable candidates have better chances of actually achieving office. Qualitative, quantitative, and experimental evidence from Peru, a democracy without parties, supports the informational theory's expectations. / text

This dissertation addresses two important questions: what constitutes regionalist party success and what factors explain this success? Regionalist parties are political parties that compete within a confined geographic region and focus on gaining greater political autonomy. This differentiates them from mainstream parties who prefer to emphasize traditional left-right political issues and compete across the entire country. I argue that to better understand the electoral outcomes of these parties, their results need a more nuanced categorization: breakthrough, failure, and persistence. Breakthrough occurs when a party has a large surge in support. Electoral failure happens when a party suffers a precipitous decline in vote shares, diminishing its political relevance. Persistence results when a party replicates its previous electoral outcome with minimal change. I used a supply-side and demand-side theoretical framing to consider the influences on regionalist party outcomes. Demand-side or “bottom-up” based theories state that political parties are primarily responsive organizations that adapt to changes in public attitudes. Thus, they must respond and closely align with the social, cultural, and economic positions of the public. I hypothesized, however, that supply-side factors best explain a regionalist party’s fate. Supply-side or “top-down” theories maintain factors outside of public demand can shape elections. These include institutional arrangements and party strategies, such as the positions the parties take and salience they give to particular issues. In this framework, the choices parties make can impact citizens’ voting. To explain breakthrough, failure, and persistence, I found three factors most relevant: the emphasis mainstream parties put on issues related to regional autonomy compared to left-right issues, the positions mainstream parties take on decentralizing power, and the positions that regionalist parties adopt regarding regional autonomy. When all of these align favorably in an election a party is more likely to breakthrough. In instances where all of them align unfavorably the probability of failure increases. Persistence is most probable when one or two of the factors is beneficial, but not all of them. I analyzed these questions using a mixed-methods approach that included multiple regression analyses and case studies of eight different elections in Scotland.

En el contexto de la campaña electoral peruana del 2011, se ha realizado el seguimiento al programa Prensa Libre de América Televisión En este seguimiento de veinte programas durante cuatro semanas, se ha observado el tiempo dedicado a los temas electorales y a los actores políticos involucrados También he querido observar cuál ha sido el papel desempeñado por el programa en la campaña electoral

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p. 1-131 / Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2013-03-14T19:14:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 222.pdf: 4046589 bytes, checksum: e6969271aa65f1ba1489f0ca1b2a93dc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Tatiana Lima(tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2013-03-14T19:21:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 222.pdf: 4046589 bytes, checksum: e6969271aa65f1ba1489f0ca1b2a93dc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-03-14T19:21:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 222.pdf: 4046589 bytes, checksum: e6969271aa65f1ba1489f0ca1b2a93dc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Esta dissertação buscou elaborar, a partir de um conceito de marketing eleitoral proposto, um modelo de análise de campanhas eleitorais majoritárias que não somente evidenciasse a utilização do instrumental inerente ao marketing eleitoral, como também pudesse ser utilizado para futuramente mensurar a presença de atividades deste tipo de marketing em campanhas eleitorais. Para atingir este propósito, inicialmente, resgatou algumas abordagens teóricas e conceituais acerca do marketing convencional, inclusive do marketing mix; do marketing político e do marketing eleitoral; além de abordagens específicas acerca da atuação teatral dos indivíduos e do papel da comunicação no contexto contemporâneo. Em um segundo momento, propôs o modelo de análise, intitulado marketing mix eleitoral, contemplando as seguintes dimensões (e componentes relacionados): candidato (apresentação, marca, personalidade pública, plataforma/ programa de governo e fator dramatúrgico), comunicação (televisiva, radiofônica, através de jornais, telefônica, “internética”, via documentários/filmes, “marketing eleitoral corpo a corpo”, comícios/“showmícios” e comunicação eleitoral complementar), contato (comitê e cabos eleitorais) e custo eleitoral (custo de oportunidade eleitoral e custo de campanha) — além de esboçar os indicadores. Simultaneamente, aplicou parcialmente tal modelo ao contexto das campanhas eleitorais majoritárias, particularmente, das eleições para prefeitura de Salvador em 2004. Em um terceiro momento, esboçou o índice de mediação mercadológica eleitoral e os seus indicadores, além de aplicá-los nas campanhas eleitorais mencionadas. Por fim, teceu algumas considerações finais. / Salvador

Several recent studies on information shortcuts and electoral vote choice show that challenges to classic democratic theory are largely exaggerated. Namely, there is now convincing evidence towards Americans having the ability to cast votes that are representative of their own political preferences. Research on such heuristics largely depend on presidential election data however, and it remains uncertain how voters respond to less salient elections where candidate information may not be as apparent and electoral communication efforts are more dismal. This study utilizes a voting correctly measure previously developed to analyze the ability of voters during Senate elections. Special attention in this study is given towards individual characteristics and campaign characteristics. First, individual characteristics, such as social and demographic variables, are expected to have an effect on voting correctly based on previous political behavior studies noting group disparities among political interest, knowledge, engagement, and turnout. Second, campaign characteristics are hypothesized to have an effect on quality voting based on literature explaining how campaigns matter in an informational sense. The findings reported in this study provide lackluster evidence towards the ability of voters to make preferred decisions based on limited information and minimal campaign effects on correct voting.

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Esta dissertação estuda a corrupção política e o Caixa 2 de campanhas eleitorais no Brasil, avaliando o seu impacto na qualidade da democracia, em especial na responsividade dos governos às preferências da maioria dos cidadãos. Com base em observações descritivas a partir de depoimentos, notícias de jornal e dados de pesquisa, busca-se investigar como os fenômenos estudados afetam o funcionamento do accountability vertical e distorcem a competição eleitoral. / This dissertation studies political corruption and slush funds in electoral campaigns in Brazil, assessing their impact in the quality of democracy, specially on the responsiveness of governments to the preferences of the majority of the citizens. Based on descriptive observations from public statements, newspaper articles and existing research data, an attempt is made to investigate how these phenomena affect the proper functioning of vertical accountability and distort electoral competition.