Questa tesi è una raccolta di tre articoli riguardanti l’economia dell’informazione. Il primo articolo riguarda i possibili effetti negativi delle elezioni sul benessere degli elettori. Infatti, il controllo ottimo nei confronti di un politico dipende in modo non banale dalla relazione tra effetto disciplinante, effetto di selezione e effetto di riduzione della rendita. Il risultato è che un eccessivo controllo nei confronti di un politico può ridurre il benessere sociale. Il secondo articolo analizza un modello di competizione elettorale nel quale l’abilità del politico è sconosciuta anche al politico stesso oltre che agli elettori. L’analisi è in tempo continuo e sviluppata mediante tecniche di programmazione dinamica e di filtraggio. Le credenze sull’abilità vengono aggiornate secondo la regola di Bayes tramite l’osservazione del processo diffusivo che descrive il valore del settore pubblico. Il politico trae utilità da una rendita che è però inferiore in presenza di una scadenza elettorale. Il terzo articolo descrive una relazione principale-agente in tempo continuo dove l’output è rappresentato da un processo diffusivo il cui drift è determinato dallo sforzo dell’agente, che il principale non osserva, e dall’abilità dell’agente, che non è osservata nemmeno dall’agente stesso. Vengono analizzati sia gli incentivi espliciti dati dal contratto che gli incentivi impliciti legati ai career-concerns. L’analisi è sviluppata in tempo continuo; vengono applicate tecniche di programmazione dinamica e di filtraggio. / This thesis is a collection of three essays about information economics. The first essay studies the possible negative effects of elections on voters’ welfare. In fact, the optimal control of politicians depends on the interplay of disciplining, selection and rent-shrinking effects in a non-trivial way. We show that too much control on the politician may reduce social welfare. The second essay studies an agency model of electoral competition where the incumbent’s ability is unknown to the voters as well as to the politician herself. The analysis is developed in a continuous-time stochastic framework using dynamic programming techniques. Competence is unobservable to everyone and learned over time in a Bayesian fashion through the observation of the value of the public sector. Politicians can divert resources being in office thus reducing the economy wealth but this rent is lower (all other things the same) with an electoral constraint. The third essay describes a continuous-time principal-agent model in which the output is a diffusion process whose drift is determined by the agent’s unobserved effort and by manager’s competence (it is assumed symmetric information about it). We study separately both explicit incentives arising from the contract and implicit incentives arising from career concerns.. All the analysis is developed in a continuous-time stochastic framework; we apply dynamic programming and filtering techniques.

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This paper investigates the relationship between ethnic conflict, electoral systems, and power sharing in ethnically divided societies. The cases of Guyana, Fiji, Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Mauritius, and Trinidad and Tobago are considered. Electoral systems are denoted based on presidential versus parliamentary system, and on proportional representation versus majoritarian/plurality. The paper concludes that, while electoral systems are important, other factors like the power distribution between ethnic groups, and ensuring a non-zero-sum game may be as important.

本研究之問題意識在於觀察台灣的總統選舉，是否如西方已發展國家，產生投票中的「性別差距」現象，以及台灣在地性別差距現象之樣貌為何。本研究採用政治大學選舉研究中心所進行之民意調查資料，以次級調查資料分析法為主，進行台灣1996年、2000年與2004年三次總統選舉之性別差距研究。 本研究所探討的面向主要包含政黨屬性、投票取向、人口背景變項三者與性別差距間的關係。其中以政黨屬性的分佈與演變來觀察台灣投票中性別差距之樣貌；而投票取向的部分則由選民之政黨認同、議題偏好、候選人取向及關係取向等四大取向，分析台灣選民在些投票取向上是否有性別差距現象；人口變項的分析則得以觀察教育程度、個人背景、社經地位、媒介使用程度與性別差距的關係，以及這十年間台灣男女在社經程度上的距離是否有所變化。 在研究發現上，以性別差距公式計算發現，台灣2004年的總統選舉首度出現女性較男性支持泛綠陣營的性別差距現象，先前兩次選舉則無。在人口變項上，男女在「婚姻狀況」、「教育程度」、「職業有無」、「個人收入高低」與「媒介使用」等變項上皆有顯著的性別差距，顯示台灣社會中男女在社經地位上仍有出入；而女性無論在「媒介使用頻次」或「媒介注意程度」，其平均分數都低於男性且有顯著的性別差距。投票取向的部分，本研究亦發現「政黨認同」變項確實會影響台灣選民的投票抉擇；對「議題立場」及「議題偏好」的分析也發現存有性別差距現象，例如在統獨立場上，女性贊成保持現狀的比例皆遠高於男性，甚至逐年增加。在「候選人取向」上亦有明顯的性別差距。另外，分析台灣投票行為研究中特殊的「關係取向」，發現女性選民特別重視「私人關係」的政治意見，男性選民則明顯重視「社會關係」與「政黨關係」。而男女在「投票自主性」也有差距，這樣的性別差距並不因女性選民高教育程度與就業的比例增長而縮減，但「自己決定」投票抉擇的女性已佔大多數。 由本研究的結果得以瞭解，如同西方蓬勃的性別差距研究，台灣男性與女性在政治意見與態度的不同面向上確實存有差距，也有不同於西方之樣貌。希望經由本研究對台灣三次總統選舉中性別差距現象之探討與發現，能做為後續更精確探討性別差距樣貌與所在之研究的出發點。 關鍵詞：性別差距、政黨屬性、投票取向、媒介使用、總統選舉

Measures of American inequality offer sparse coverage of subnational units and rely on surveys of self-reported family and household incomes. This dissertation details the development of new inequality datasets at the county, state, and national levels from alternative lenses: sector wages; industry earnings; and average incomes. Sector and industry data are particularly rich, detailed, consistent, and reliable. These new metrics from underutilized data sources contribute to debates over the lived effects of inequality. American economic inequality concentrates in some places more than others, arising from different causes. This dissertation considers ecological associations between inequality, voter turnout, and election outcomes at the state and county levels and multilevel models of individual participation and candidate preference, with voters nested within their state contexts. Aggregate voter turnout has been lower in states with higher levels of income inequality for the last several presidential elections, though this relationship did not strengthen with rising inequality. Likewise, some inequalities have strong associations with state- and county-level presidential election outcomes in certain years, but the patterns are irregular. Multilevel models of voters in states do not indicate a strong relationship among inequality per se and individual behavior. / text

The process of interactive electoral communication initiated by politicians in social media is the object of the dissertation. The aim of the paper is to develop a comprehensive research approach to politicians’ electoral communication in social media and to use the approach in describing the specificity of electoral communication taking place in social media, determining the features of expression of the candidates’ electoral objectives, and making an analysis of the communication that took place in an interactive environment during the elections to municipal councils in 2011. In the first part of the thesis, the notion of interactive electoral communication in social media is defined, development of electoral communication in a virtual environment is discussed, and an in-depth analysis of the features of interactive electoral communication in social media is presented. In the second part of the thesis, a process model of interactive electoral communication in social media is formulated and objectives of electoral communication in an interactive environment are identified and analysed, including a detailed examination of their practical application. The third part of the thesis is an empirical study into interactive electoral communication, where the electoral campaign that took place in an interactive environment during the 2011 elections to municipal councils is comprehensively analysed using the process model of the electoral communication objectives. / Disertacijos darbo objektas yra interaktyvios politikų rinkiminės komunikacijos vyksmas socialinių medijų priemonėse. Darbo tikslas – sukonstruoti kompleksišką politikų rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose tyrimo prieigą, kurią taikant atskleisti socialinių medijų priemonėse vykstančios rinkiminės komunikacijos specifiką ir nustatyti kandidatų naudojamų rinkiminių siekinių raiškos ypatybes, taip pat išanalizuoti 2011 metų savivaldybių tarybų rinkimų metu interaktyvioje erdvėje vykusią komunikaciją. Pirmojoje disertacijos dalyje apibrėžiama interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose samprata, nagrinėjama rinkiminės komunikacijos virtualioje erdvėje raida, detaliai analizuojamos interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose ypatybės. Antrojoje disertacijos dalyje konstruojamas procesinis interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose vyksmo modelis, išskiriami ir analizuojami rinkiminės komunikacijos siekiniai interaktyvioje erdvėje, detaliai nagrinėjamos praktinės jų įgyvendinimo formos. Trečiojoje disertacijos dalyje atliekamas empirinis interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos tyrimas, kuriame, taikant procesinį rinkiminės komunikacijos siekinių modelį, kompleksiškai išanalizuojama interaktyvioje erdvėje vykusi 2011 metų savivaldybių tarybų rinkimų kampanija.

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Scholars have proposed the idea that trust influences individuals’ choice to vote or abstain. However, there is uncertainty about the composition of trust and its effect on voter turnout. The aim of this study is to explore the relationship between interpersonal and institutional trust and voter turnout in South Africa. Examining presently unused data for South Africa from the World Values Survey 2006 through exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis, the argument is advanced that trust is a multidimensional concept that may be modelled by multivariate measurements. A logistic factor score regression model shows that a one-unit increase of trust in public institutions on average increases the odds of voting by 9 % whereas trust in private institutions and interpersonal trust have no significant effects. The results imply that trust- strengthening actions may be of interest to South African public institutions to increase electoral participation and legitimise election outcomes.

Submitted by Noeme Timbo (noeme.timbo@metodista.br) on 2016-09-12T19:13:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ROBERTO BIANCHI CATARIN.pdf: 1296382 bytes, checksum: 6197b473f130cc5323bdde096e6488c8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-12T19:13:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ROBERTO BIANCHI CATARIN.pdf: 1296382 bytes, checksum: 6197b473f130cc5323bdde096e6488c8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-04 / This research has the purpose of political communication focusing on canvass, in the context of media democracy. On this basis, outlines to the research problem: studying how the canvass has appropriated from the media democracy context to expose your messages, the use of reason and emotion, selling dreams to the voter and other issues such as criticism of the opponent and the promises they do. The research objective is to highlight the types of prepared content to be transmitted to voters who attend the free election time, analyze the arguments, the quality and content of such placements, as well as highlight the distinctions between them, and evaluating their effectiveness, their main features, which set them apart and what resources they used to attract attention and the popular vote. The methodology was the analysis of content, since you want to understand what are the main signs and characteristics defined by the parties and the candidates at the time disclosed. Six categories have been defined for the analysis of ten videos of television free Airtime the three candidates, both the first as the second round. We conclude that the candidate Dilma Rousseff was the most advantage of all strategic artifices of political communication, electoral propaganda, appropriate of media democracy, with strong emotional appeal in the categories analyzed, resulting in a narrow victory, the most disputed today however, a positive result for the reelection campaign of President. / Essa pesquisa tem como objeto a comunicação política com foco na propaganda eleitoral, no contexto da democracia midiática. Partindo deste princípio, delineia-se o problema de pesquisa: estudar como a propaganda eleitoral tem se apropriado do contexto da democracia midiática para expor suas mensagens, o uso entre a razão e a emoção, a venda de sonhos ao eleitor entre outros assuntos como as críticas ao adversário e as promessas que realizam. O objetivo da pesquisa é destacar os tipos de conteúdos elaborados para serem transmitidos aos eleitores que assistem ao horário eleitoral gratuito, analisar os argumentos, a qualidade e o teor de tais veiculações, assim como destacar as distinções entre eles, avaliando assim sua efetividade, suas principais características, o que os diferenciava e quais os recursos que usavam para atrair a atenção e o voto dos eleitores. A metodologia adotada foi a análise de conteúdo, uma vez que se deseja compreender quais são os principais sinais e características definidos pelos partidos e pelos candidatos no momento de serem divulgados. Foram definidas seis categorias para a análise de dez vídeos do horário eleitoral gratuito na televisão dos três principais candidatos, tanto do primeiro, quanto do segundo turno. Conclui-se que a candidata Dilma Rousseff foi a que mais aproveitou de todos os artifícios estratégicos da comunicação política, da propaganda eleitoral, apropriada da democracia midiática, com forte apelo emotivo nas categorias analisadas, resultando em uma vitória apertada, a mais disputada até hoje, porém, de resultado positivo para a campanha de reeleição da presidente

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