A pesquisa se trata de um estudo de caso realizado em um templo da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus no bairro de Piraporinha, periferia na zona sul de São Paulo. Por meio de um estudo etnográfico e uma série de entrevistas com os fiéis do templo, buscou-se avaliar o impacto da religião seja pela indicação da igreja, pela orientação moral, seja pela identidade evangélica no processo de decisão do voto nas eleições de 2014, particularmente para deputado federal e estadual e para presidente. Seguindo a tese do lulismo, de André Singer, os fiéis, que faziam parte da classe trabalhadora com 2 a 5 salários mínimos de renda familiar deveriam apoiar candidatos do PT; porém, a questão que surge é o quanto o fator religioso alteraria essa lógica. Assim, a pesquisa encontrou que a religião teve um peso significativamente maior na decisão do voto para o Legislativo no qual os fiéis, em quase sua totalidade, seguiram a indicação da igreja e apoiaram seus candidatos a deputado federal e estadual do que para o Executivo no qual os entrevistados se pautaram, primordialmente, por questões de renda na decisão do voto para presidente. / The research is a case study in a temple of the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, in the Piraporinha neighborhood, in the southern suburbs of São Paulo. Through an ethnographic study and a series of interviews with the church-goers, we sought to assess the impact of religion whether through an indication of the church, through moral guidance, or through evangelical identity in the voting decision process in the 2014 elections, particularly for federal and state deputies and for president. Following the thesis of the Lulismo, from André Singer, the church-goers, who were part of the working class with 2 to 5 minimum wages of family income should support candidates of the Workers Party (PT); however, the question arises how the religious factor would alter this logic. Thus, the survey found that religion had a significantly greater weight in the voting decision for the Legislative branch in which the church-goers, in almost their entirety, followed the indication of the church and supported its candidates for federal and state deputies than to the Executive branch in which respondents were guided primarily by income issues in the voting decision for president.

O presente trabalho traz um estudo sobre um tema importante para a qualidade da democracia, especialmente para novas democracias, como são o Brasil e a Argentina. Referimo-nos à participação política não eleitoral, materializada em abaixo-assinados, manifestações, greves, boicotes e atividade partidária. Distintas teorias buscam entender os determinantes que levam os indivíduos a se envolverem nesses modos de participação, dentre os quais destacamos as características individuais, a cultura política, a experiência com o sistema político e a racionalidade da ação. Diante disso, nosso objetivo é investigar a dinâmica da participação política desses países nos últimos vinte anos, visando explicar como se relacionam fatores sociodemográficos, políticos, econômicos e de cultura política com as diferentes modalidades de participação, assumindo-se que qualquer mudança que mexa nesse conjunto de fatores, junto com o funcionamento efetivo da democracia, afeta também as percepções e comportamentos dos indivíduos, fornecendo as bases para uma reaproximação dos cidadãos com o sistema politico e tornando-os mais críticos acerca do que demandam da democracia. Para isso, no primeiro capítulo revisamos o debate teórico a respeito dos condicionantes da participação, lançando mão das abordagens clássicas da cultura política e daquelas que defendem uma mudança rumo a sociedades pós-materialistas, críticas e comprometidas politicamente; das perspectivas que focam nos fatores político-institucionais; das abordagens que levam em conta os recursos para participar; e da teoria da escolha racional. Reconhecendo a necessidade de se considerar a realidade das sociedades onde a participação política ocorre, no segundo capítulo identificamos características da cultura política local e as principais mudanças estruturais ocorridas. Utilizando dados produzidos pelo projeto World Values Survey, no terceiro capítulo analisamos empiricamente por meio de regressão logística como um conjunto de fatores afeta a participação em 1991, 2006 e 2013. Sem encontrar diferenças significativas entre Argentina e Brasil, destacamos quatro pontos principais. Verificou-se a importância da educação, o interesse político e o pós-materialismo em todos os tipos de participação, o que apresenta um cenário promissor uma vez que ambos os países tendem cada vez mais à universalização da educação, fator desencadeante de um círculo virtuoso. Ainda, apesar do aumento das capacidades e a diminuição dos custos para participar, ao olhar para as motivações confirmamos a necessidade de se considerar as expectativas quanto ao funcionamento institucional, que encorajam ou desestimulam o comportamento, sendo que o bom desempenho da democracia aumenta as chances de o indivíduo participar. Terceiro, à exceção da atividade partidária, são os jovens nascidos em democracia que participam mais, e apesar de existirem várias particularidades que não se encaixam nos modelos teóricos tradicionais, confirma-se uma mudança na cultura política que traz boas notícias para a qualidade da democracia. Finalmente, a despeito de a educação, o interesse e as preferências ideológicas especialmente de esquerda afetarem positivamente todas as modalidades de participação, verificamos que há diferenças entre elas, sendo que os abaixo-assinados e as manifestações foram as melhor explicadas pelos nossos modelos, sugerindo que nos outros tipos pesaram mais os fatores contextuais. / This paper presents a study of an important issue for the quality of democracy, especially for new democracies, as are Brazil and Argentina. We refer to the non-electoral political participation, through petitions, demonstrations, strikes, boycotts and partisan activity. Different theories seek to understand the determinants that lead individuals to engage in these forms of participation, among which we highlight the individual characteristics, the political culture, the experience with the political system and the rationality of action. Therefore, our aim is to investigate the dynamics of the political participation of these countries in the last twenty years, trying to explain how socio-demographic, political, economic and of political culture factors relate with the different forms of participation, on the assumption that any changes that modifies this set of factors, along with the effective functioning of democracy also affects the perceptions and behaviors of individuals, providing the basis for a rapprochement between citizens and the political system and making them more critical about what they expect from democracy. In order to do that, in the first chapter we reviewed the theoretical debate about the conditions of participation, making use of traditional approaches to political culture and those who advocate a shift towards post-materialist, critical and politically committed societies; perspectives that focus on political and institutional factors; approaches that take into account the resources to participate; and the theory of rational choice. Acknowledging the need to consider the reality of societies where political participation takes place, in the second chapter we identify some local political culture characteristics and the major structural changes. Using data gathered by the World Values Survey project, in the third chapter we analyze empirically - through logistic regression - how a set of factors affects participation in 1991, 2006 and 2013. Without finding significant differences between Argentina and Brazil, we highlight four main points. We confirm the importance of education, political interest and post-materialism in all kinds of participation, which provides a promising scenario since both countries increasingly tend to universalize education, trigger of a virtuous circle. Still, despite the increased capacities and lower costs for participating, looking at the motivations we confirm the need to consider the expectations regarding the institutional functioning that encourage or discourage the behavior, and it is the good performance of democracy that increases the chances of the individual to participate. Third, except for partisan activity are young people born in democracy that participate more, and although there are several characteristics that do not fit the traditional theoretical models, we confirm a change in the political culture that brings good news for the quality of democracy. Finally, regardless of education, interests and ideological preferences - especially the left side - positively affect all modes of participation, we find that there are differences between them, and the petitions and demonstrations were best explained by our models, suggesting that in other types of participation contextual factors weighed more.

Cette thèse se donne pour objectif de questionner l’idée de la non existence d’« Europe politique ». Les programmes électoraux sont mis au centre de cette recherche. Ils permettent l’analyse du politique à la fois dans sa dimension cognitive et pragmatique. La première dimension est examinée à travers les mythes que ces discours construisent. La deuxième est examinée à partir des configurations de la production des programmes. L’analyse du rapport dialogique de ces deux dimensions permet de démystifier le politique européen. Les constats sont issus d’une enquête comparative des programmes des élections européennes de 2009, prenant en compte des partis et des contextes nationaux différents. Si ces programmes présentent des proximités importantes qui renforcent l’idée d’une « technocratisation du politique », les programmes construisent également des mythes diversifiés selon leur appartenance partisane et selon leur origine culturelle. Ils construisent des situations de « mésentente », condition fondamentale pour le politique. L’Europe politique existe ! Cette thèse va au-delà de cette affirmation afin de discuter les modalités de l’existence et de la production de ce politique. Elle montre que les mythes produits s’articulent avec le mode d’action des parlementaires au sein de l’UE, l’origine des participants dans les processus de production des programmes. Les résultats mettent en avant aussi que les mythes produits au niveau européen ne circulent pas de la même manière dans tous les États-membres : ils dépendent des enjeux locaux et sont inscrits dans des rapports symboliques qui cadrent les relations entre les « grands » et les « petits » de l’Europe. / The aim of this thesis is to question the idea of a "political Europe". The electoral platforms are placed at the centre of this research. They enable the analysis of “the political” in its double dimension: cognitive and pragmatic. The first dimension is examined through the myths that these discourses construct, the second through the configuration of the production of the platforms. The analysis of the dialogic relation between these two dimensions contributes to demystifying the myths of Europe. The findings are drawn from a comparative study of the programs of the elections of 2009, taking into account different parties and national contexts. These electoral programs contain important similarities which reinforce the idea of a “technocratisation of politics”. But the programs also produce various and contradictory myths, according to party affiliation and to cultural origins. They produce situations of “dissensus”, a fundamental condition for the political. The conclusion is that political Europe does exist. However, this thesis goes beyond this statement and opens the discussion on the modalities of existence, production and recontextualisation of this political. It shows that the constructed myths can be articulated as part of the activities within the European Parliament, the origin of participants in the process of production of electoral programs. The results also highlight that the myths constructed at the European Union level do not circulate and are not re-contextualised in the same way in all member-states: they depend on and are mediated via local issues and are embedded in the symbolic relations between the grands and the petits of Europe.

La résolution de la crise ivoirienne nécessite l’organisation d’une élection présidentielle inclusive. Sur la base de l’Accord de Pretoria, les Nations Unies vont s’impliquer dans la gestion du processus électoral, conformément à la Résolution 1765(2005) du Conseil de sécurité, instituant le mandat de certification.La certification du processus électoral ivoirien constitue dés lors une activité électorale inédite au cœur de la souveraineté nationale. En effet, la gestion du processus électoral par les organes nationaux et un organe international repose sur une architecture juridique hybride, mélangeant le droit national et le droit international, devant permettre la sauvegarde des résultats de l’élection présidentielle. L’acceptation du mécanisme de la certification par les autorités nationales dans ce processus régalien modifie substantiellement la traditionnelle hiérarchie des normes qui attribue à la Constitution et au Conseil constitutionnel une place privilégiée dans les rapports internes et externes.Ainsi, la mise en œuvre du mandat de la certification enlève toute force obligatoire à la décision du Conseil constitutionnel censée revêtir l’autorité de la chose jugée. La déclaration de certification des Nations Unies accorde au candidat proclamé par la Commission électorale indépendante, une légitimité et une crédibilité internationales au détriment du candidat proclamé vainqueur par le Conseil constitutionnel. Cette situation pousse le Conseil constitutionnel ivoirien à se dédire, et reconnaître la supériorité de la certification sur sa décision. / The resolution of the Ivorian crisis requires the holding of an inclusive presidential election. On the basis of the Pretoria Agreement and in accordance with Security Council Resolution 1765 (2005) establishing the certification mandate, the United Nations throughout the Special Representative of the Secretary-General were involved in the electoral process.The certification of the Ivorian electoral process constitutes an unprecedented electoral activity at the heart of national sovereignty. Indeed, the management of the electoral process by national bodies and an international body built on a hybrid legal framework, including national law and international law, to safe-guard the results of the presidential election. The acceptance of the certification’s mechanism by the national authorities in this stately process modifies substantially the traditional hierarchy of the norms which assigns to the Constitution and the Constitutional Council a privileged place in the internal and external reports.Thus, the implementation of the Special Representative’s mandate deprives all binding force from the Constitutional Council’s decision, which is supposed to have the authority of res judicata. The United Nations certification’ statement grants international legitimacy and credibility to the candidate proclaimed by the Independent Electoral Commission to the detriment of the candidate proclaimed victor by the Constitutional Council. This situation urges the Ivorian Constitutional Council to recant, and recognizes the superiority of certification on its decision.

Diese Arbeit geht der Frage nach, inwiefern die Medien während des Wahl-kampfs über die Wahlprogramme der Parteien berichten. Die Wahlprogramme der Parteien enthalten Informationen darüber, was Parteien nach der Wahl vorhaben. Allerdings lesen wenige Wählerinnen und Wähler Wahlprogramme. Die vergangene Forschung über und mit Wahlprogrammdaten hat bisher angenommen, dass der Inhalt von Wahlprogrammen von den Medien verbreitet wird. Diese Doktorarbeit untersucht diese Annahme empirisch und analysiert, ob und wie Massenmedien während des Wahlkampfs über die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme berichten. Wenn Massenmedien nicht die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme verbreiten würden, hätten Bürgerinnen und Bürger kaum Chancen sich über das programmatische Angebot der Parteien zu informieren. In dieser Arbeit wird das Konzept des Manifesto-Medien-Links entwickelt. Das Konzept bringt Theorien des Parteienwettbewerbs und Theorien der Medienselektion zusammen. Der Manifesto-Medien-Link formuliert drei Bedingungen, welche empirisch getestet werden können. Diese sind: Erstens, Medienberichterstattung und Wahlprogramme müssen zumindest zu einem gewissen Grad dieselben Themen diskutieren. Zweitens, Journalisten müssen Sachfragen mit jenen Parteien verknüpfen, welche diese Themen in ihren Wahlprogrammen stärker betonen als ihre Konkurrenten, um Wählerinnen und Wähler über die Prioritäten der Parteien zu informieren. Drittens, Medien müssen die ideologische Orientierung einer Partei sowie Veränderungen dieser korrekt wiedergeben. Methodisch werden in der Arbeit Wahlprogramm- und Mediendaten kombiniert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass der Manifesto-Medien-Link relativ stabil ist. Außerdem wird gezeigt, dass es nur geringe systematische Verzerrungen zugunsten bestimmter Parteien gibt. Jedoch zeigen sich Unterschiede zwischen Qualitäts- und Boulevardmedien. Die Ergebnisse haben Implikationen für unser Verständnis von politischer Repräsentation und den politischen Wettbewerb. / This study analyzes whether media coverage covers messages from parties’ electoral programs (manifestos). Electoral programs contain detailed information on a party’s future policy-making. However, few voters read electoral programs. Still, prior research often assumed that the content of manifestos is known to voters because media disseminate the content of manifestos to voters. This dissertation evaluates this “mediation assumption” empirically, and analyzes whether and how the mass media cover parties’ electoral programs during the electoral campaign. If media coverage did not reflect parties’ electoral programs, citizens would have no chance to base their vote choice on evaluations of those programs. This study introduces the concept of the manifesto-media link in order to describe how media coverage can reflect programmatic offers. The manifesto-media link is formulated as three conditions that can be empirically evaluated and tested in a similar way to the conditions of the responsible party model. These are: First, media must cover similar issues to those that parties cover in their electoral programs. Second, media coverage must link issues with parties that emphasize these issues more than their competitors, in order to inform about the parties’ issue priorities. Third, media must frame parties as left or right in a way that represents how parties emphasize left or right positions in their own manifestos. Methodologically, the study combines secondary content analytical data on media coverage during the electoral campaign with data based on electoral programs. The findings suggest that the manifesto-media link is stable and robust. There is little to no systematic bias in favor of a certain type of party, however there are differences between quality and tabloid media. These findings contribute to our understanding of political representation and the functioning of political competition.

Estratégia vence eleição? Essa pergunta é o foco da dissertação. O trabalho inicialmente apre-senta o significado da estratégia política na sua formulação clássica e na situação de campanhas eleito-rais em democracias. Apoiado no estudo de campanhas eleitorais, sobretudo dos Estados Unidos e do Brasil, o autor identifica os dois modelos mais praticados de campanhas: a campanha positiva e a campanha negativa. A seguir, é feita uma revisão da bibliografia sobre campanhas eleitorais voltada para a descrição de cada um dos dois modelos. O fato de que é muito maior a quantidade de estudos acadêmicos sobre campanha negativa e de que a eleição analisada na dissertação também é um caso de campanha negativa implicou uma revisão bibliográfica mais detalhada. A dissertação apresenta dados de seis pesquisas eleitorais realizadas ao longo da campanha na cidade de Alvorada em 2008, ilustran-do com dados uma situação curiosa para os marcos de campanha negativa: o efeito eleitoralmente positivo de uma “negatividade em potencial”. Os dados confirmam o acerto da estratégia ao mostrar a inversão da intenção de voto, da rejeição, do aumento do conhecimento dos fatos negativos pelo eleitor, entre outras variáveis, todos apontando na direção do acerto estratégico que levou o candidato à vitória. / Strategy wins elections? This question is the focus of the dissertation. After a brief analysis of the concept of strategy both in its classical theory and democratic electoral campaigns, the author identi-fies two basic types of campaigns: positive and negative. A bibliographic revision on the general sub-ject of elections and more specifically on both types of electoral campaigns is presented. However, considering that the number of studies in negative campaigns is much greater than studies in positive campaign, besides the fact that the research data available refers to a specific negative campaign (city of Alvorada 2008) a more detailed revision was made for negative campaigns. The dissertation pre-sents data for six surveys applied along the duration of the campaign, showing the curious situation of the effectiveness of the cautious use of what perhaps could be called “potential negativity”.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-08-29T11:33:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Raquel Coelho Dal Rio Silveira.pdf: 1129028 bytes, checksum: 222b057dc4313e5827e18f6a84fbe86e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-29T11:33:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Raquel Coelho Dal Rio Silveira.pdf: 1129028 bytes, checksum: 222b057dc4313e5827e18f6a84fbe86e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-09 / The present paper begins with the concept of law, politics, democracy and ethics and the relation between them. It does a critical analysis of some institutes of the Electoral Law, aiming to demonstrate how the model of financing of electoral campaign in Brazil interferes in the governability and governance of the country, generating corruption, crisis of representativeness and, ultimately, compromising the implementation of public policies and the democratic ideal. Also, in spite of the constitutional prediction of political parties pluralism, proves that the existence of excessive number of parties and the lack of intra-party democracy, as it happens today, has been harmful. The Electoral Court, for its part, in the way it is structured, also deserves criticism. Considering the Court’s federal nature, its jurisdiction must be exercised by federal judges. Finally, some suggestions are made, to improve the Electoral Law in Brazil / O presente trabalho parte dos conceitos de Direito, Política, Democracia e Ética e da relação existente entre eles. Faz-se uma análise crítica de alguns dos institutos do Direito Eleitoral, objetivando demonstrar como o modelo de financiamento de campanha eleitoral no Brasil interfere na governabilidade e governança do país, gerando corrupção, crise de representatividade e, em última análise, comprometendo a implementação de políticas públicas e o ideal democrático. Outrossim, apesar da previsão constitucional do pluripartidarismo político, comprova-se que a existência de um número excessivo de partidos e a ausência de democracia intrapartidária, tal como se verificam hoje, têm-se mostrado nocivas. A Justiça Eleitoral, por seu turno, da forma como está estruturada, também merece críticas. Em razão de sua natureza federal, deve ter sua competência exercida por juízes federais. Por fim, são feitas algumas sugestões, visando ao aprimoramento do Direito Eleitoral no Brasil

Esta dissertação tem como proposta analisar o papel dos sentimentos na estruturação das escolhas eleitorais durante a eleição presidencial brasileira de 2006. Especificamente, trata-se de analisar de que forma as emoções dos eleitores em relação aos candidatos afetam e estimulam a avaliação e o voto nos mesmos. Primeiramente, buscamos demonstrar formas de mensuração das emoções em termos quantitativos através de pesquisas de survey realizadas durante o período eleitoral. Em segundo lugar, buscamos evidenciar que a avaliação retrospectiva (considerada uma forma racional do voto) pode ser melhor entendida se buscarmos compreender como a avaliação de governo interage com os estados emocionais dos eleitores. Destarte, negando a longa tradição que contrapõe razão e emoção dentro da política, salientamos a tese de que os sentimentos constituem uma importante variável no processamento de informações e, consequentemente, na decisão do voto. / This dissertation analyzes how emotions helped structure electoral choices during the campaign for the presidency of Brazil in 2006. How do the voters\' feelings towards the candidates affect and stimulate their choices? To answer this, at first we show different quantitative measures of emotions, based on surveys applied during the campaign period. Then we gather evidence to support the idea that retrospective voting can be better understood if the incumbent\'s evaluation - interacting with the voter\'s emotions - is taken into account. Therefore, we deny the traditional dichotomy between reason and emotion in electoral behavior studies, indicating that feelings are an important variable to be considered by any analyst that intends to understand how citizens decide whom to vote for.

Este trabalho busca analisar a trajetória do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) nas eleições para prefeito de São Paulo no período de 1996 a 2012, tendo como foco seu desempenho nos diversos estratos socioeconômicos do eleitorado paulistano. Ao longo das eleições municipais disputadas, o partido cresceu e assumiu a posição de principal protagonista nas disputas, vencendo em 2000 e 2012. Entretanto, a consolidação desse crescimento não se manifestou de maneira uniforme nos diversos estratos socioeconômicos da cidade. A hipótese sugerida é a de que houve mudanças significativas no perfil do eleitorado petista. A partir da análise da literatura sobre o comportamento eleitoral na cidade, procurou-se reconstituir as características iniciais do eleitor do PT, a fim de verificar quais eram seus principais aspectos. Para essa análise, foram utilizados os dados dos surveys eleitorais das eleições paulistanas de 1996 a 2012 e, para verificar a existência de padrões geográficos na votação da agremiação nos distritos da cidade, foi empregada a técnica de análise espacial. Com isso, foi possível observar que: (1) nas primeiras eleições disputadas, o PT apresentava uma base popular, embora de pouca expressão, localizada geograficamente em uma região especifica: os distritos próximos ao ABC paulista; (2) houve mudanças na composição da base eleitoral do PT a partir das eleições de 2000, passando de um partido com um perfil de classe média (de 1985 a 2000) para um partido com apelo mais popular (de 2004 em diante). Se até então o voto petista estava localizado em uma periferia geográfica determinada da cidade, ele passa a acompanhar essa transformação, ganhando expressão na periferia socioeconômica do eleitorado paulistano. / This dissertation aims at analyzing the trajectory of the Workers Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT) in the municipal elections for the post of Mayor of the city of São Paulo over the period comprising the years between 1996 and 2012 and it focuses on the partys performance with regard to the various socio-economic strata in São Paulo citys electoral roll. In the course of the municipal elections held over that period, the party was able to expand to the point of reaching the position of main protagonist in election fights, beating its opponents both in 2000 and 2012. Nevertheless, consolidation of such growth has not taken place in a uniform manner concerning the citys various socioeconomic strata. The hypothesis investigated herein is that there have been significant changes in the profile of PT voters. Departing from careful analysis of the available literature on the citys electoral behavior, one has sought to reconstruct the initial characteristics of PT voters so as to obtain their main features. So as to draw up this analysis, data from electoral survey researches of the São Paulos 1996-2012 municipal elections were closely examined. Additionally, the spatial analysis method was used in order to verify the existence of any geographic patterns related to the voters choice of this political organization in the various districts of the city. As a result, the following elements were found: 1) in the early elections taken, PT showed a popular power base, which, despite being of limited scope, was geographically situated within a specific area, i.e., the districts close to the so-called São Paulos ABC (the neighboring towns of Santo André, São Bernardo and São Caetano); 2) since the elections held in 2000, there have been changes in the make-up of PTs electoral base, seeing that it has moved from a party which had a middle-class profile (between 1985-2000) to one having a wider popular appeal (from 2004 onwards). Up until 2004 PTs winning ballots could be located in and around a certain geographic periphery of the city, but since then they have undergone the transformation described above and thus have gained volume in the socioeconomic periphery of São Paulos electoral body as a whole.

Ao lado da liberdade de expressão, a Constituição de 1824 garantiu o direito da sociedade se fazer ouvir pelas autoridades: o Artigo 179, parágrafo 30 estabelece que todo o cidadão poderá apresentar por escrito ao Poder Legislativo e ao Executivo reclamações, queixas, ou petições. A presente dissertação tem por objetivo compreender como este direito constitucional foi utilizado pelos cidadãos brasileiros durante o período em que a ordem monárquica constitucional se consolidava no Brasil. Durante os primeiros anos do Segundo Reinado, diversos grupos comerciantes, médicos, advogados, manufatureiros, autoridades locais, padres, proprietários de terra, votantes, eleitores etc. estabeleceram uma relação direta com a elite política que moldava as instituições do Império. A análise das petições que chegaram à Câmara dos Deputados na década de 1840 e do debate parlamentar que nela se desenvolveu indica que importantes mudanças políticas do período como a reforma eleitoral, a aprovação do Código Comercial, a reforma judiciária foram influenciadas por setores da sociedade brasileira que se organizaram para exercer o direito de petição. Por intermédio da atividade peticionária, governantes e governados se integraram em um diálogo que permeou a resolução de alguns dos mais relevantes assuntos concernentes à realidade brasileira. Este diálogo fez do ideal do regime representativo algo tangível para diversos setores que compunham o pacto político nacional. / Together with the freedom of thought and speech, the Constitution of 1824 provided Brazilian society with the right to be heard by authorities: Article 179, Paragraph 30 states that all citizens will be able to present to the Legislative or the Executive Power written grievances, complaints, or petitions. This dissertation attempts to explore how this constitutional right was used by Brazilian citizens during the time that monarchical order was being consolidated. During the reign of D. Pedro 2nd, many groups, including businessmen, manufacturers, doctors, lawyers, local authorities, priests, landowners, voters, electors, and others, established a direct relation with the political elite responsible for molding the new institutions. The analysis of the petitions sent to the Chamber of Deputies by the 1840s and the parliamentary debate ensued provide an indication that important political changes of that period (i.e., electoral reform, approval of the Commercial Code, judicial reform) were influenced by the participation of certain sections of Brazilian society that were able to organize themselves and successfully use their right of petition. Mediated by such petitionary activity, governors and governed took part in a dialogue that led to the resolution of some of the most important issues concerning Brazilian reality. That dialogue made the ideal of representative government tangible to many groups that formed the prevailing national political landscape.