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O juiz tem um dever de direção material do processo que consiste em respeitar os direitos processuais das partes e fomentar o seu exercício. A direção material do processo exige real possibilidade de argumentação das partes sobre todas as alegações de fato e sobre todos os pontos de vista jurídicas contidos na decisão. Existe uma proibição de decisões surpresa. É possível afirmar a presença desse dever judicial no Brasil a partir de duas perspectivas diferentes. Em primeiro lugar, a partir da conexão entre o dever de direção material do processo, uma teoria forte dos direitos processuais e uma concepção liberal de justiça processual. Em segundo lugar, a partir de uma perspectiva comparativa. O processo civil alemão apresenta-se como modelo de um sistema que atende aos requisitos teóricos acima mencionados, além de contar expressamente em seu Código de Processo Civil com a direção material do processo (§ 139, ZPO) e com um remédio contra a violação de direitos processuais (§ 321a, ZPO). Embora o Código de Processo Civil brasileiro não contenha tal dever de forma expressa, a interpretação dos direitos processuais fundamentais contidos na Constituição, aliada à visão teórica desenvolvida, impõe a conclusão da existência do dever de direção material do processo. A direção material do processo só é alcançável a partir de uma concepção de liberalismo político processual capaz de legitimamente conjugar o necessário ativismo processual do juiz com a necessidade de tratar as partes com dignidade. / Die materielle Prozessleitung ist eine richterliche Pflicht. In Erfüllung dieser Pflicht muss der Richter die prozessualen Rechten der Parteien respektieren und fördern. Es ist notwendig, dass die Parteien eine reale Möglichkeit der Auseinandersetzung über Tatsachen und Rechtsgesichtspunkte haben. Aus der materiellen Prozessleitung ergibt sich insofern ein Verbot von Überraschungsentscheidungen. In Brasilien können für die Existenz einer richterlichen Befugnis oder Pflicht zur materiellen Prozessleitung zwei verschiedene Gesichtspunkte angeführt werden. Zuerst durch die Verknüpfung der richterlichen Aufgabe, Hinweispflichten zu geben, mit einer starke Theorie von Verfahrensrechten als Ausfluss eines liberalen Verständnis von Verfahrensgerechtigkeit. Zweitens durch eine vergleichende Perspektive. Das deutsche Zivilprozessrecht stellt sich als Modell eines Systems dar, das diese Erfordernisse erfüllt. Es enthält auch in der ZPO die Aufgabe, den Prozess materiell zu leiten (§ 139, ZPO) und gewährt Rechtsbehelfe gegen die Verletzung der Verfahrensrechte (§ 321a, ZPO). Die brasilianische ZPO kennt keine ausdrückliche Pflicht zur materiellen Prozessleitung. Allerdings kann man diese richterliche Hinweispflicht aus prozessualen Grundrechten, in Verbindung mit dem oben erwähnten theoretischen Rahmen ableiten. Die materielle Prozessleitung kann nur durch einen prozessualen politischen Liberalismus erreicht werden, der die notwendige richterliche Einmischung mit der Würde der Parteien in Einklang setzen kann.

Abstract In 2010, a Chinese fishing vessel ¡§Min Jin Yue No.5179¡¨ collided with Japanese patrol boats in Diaoyutai. The Japan Coast Guard arrested the captain of the Chinese vessel for the violation of Japanese ¡§Fisheries Act¡¨. China reiterated again and claimed that Diaoyutai fishing incidence is in Chinese territory. This incidence has resulted in the Diaoyutai sovereignty dispute on the international community. The Diaoyutai sovereignty dispute has been exist dated from 20th century into 21st.. The problem is that countries of dispute have their own national sovereignty claim. Japan claims that the Diaoyutai was included in the return area to Japan for the US-Japan Agreement to return Okinawa in 1971. By this, Japan starts harshly to prohibit both Taiwan and Chinese fishing boats into this area. This has resulted in many accidents occurring among Japan, China and Taiwan. The present study assesses and analyzes the conflicts of Diaoyutai waters associated with the attitude of China and Japan on dealing with the dispute, such as the diplomatic confrontation of China-Japan; the Japanese government quoted the wrongly legal custody of detained Chinese fishing boat captain; China postponed conference of cooperative exploitation ¡§Chunxiao Oilfield¡¨ with Japan; suspended increased flights and expanding aviation rights etc., in addition to a series of implement of political and economic sanctions, these has triggering global concerns. China practiced rare earth embargo for Japan that had probably resulted in explosive potential global trade war. Therefore, the present study has also research into the international case studies of their ruling, as examples, on resolving the sovereignty dispute. As a result of inducing settled methods and models for the island¡¦s sovereignty dispute, the present work has resulted in the deduction of ideas, suggestions and prospects to the problem of Diaoyutai especially the suspensive sovereignty and residual sovereignty issues.

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / Cover title. "June 2002." AD-A405 054. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via the World Wide Web.

Submitted by Pedro Henrique G P Peixoto (pedrohenriq@fgvmail.br) on 2017-07-19T18:33:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Forests for Markets.pdf: 517276 bytes, checksum: 86bac800b12e796760fde899e2e2b83c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Almeida (maria.socorro@fgv.br) on 2017-07-27T17:26:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Forests for Markets.pdf: 517276 bytes, checksum: 86bac800b12e796760fde899e2e2b83c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-27T17:27:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Forests for Markets.pdf: 517276 bytes, checksum: 86bac800b12e796760fde899e2e2b83c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-31 / This work aims to evaluate the Soy Moratorium, an industry led initiative to curb deforestation in the Amazon Biome. Under this agreement, all signatories commit to not buy soybeans produced in lands deforested after July 2006. There is no effective evaluation of this program and the literature in economics have not addressed the question of whether a market ban could reduce deforestation. My main specification is a triple-difference estimate and I find that, unlike previous evaluations, the moratorium had no effect to reduce deforestation. / Este trabalho tem por objetivo avaliar a Moratória da Soja, uma iniciativa privada para reduzir o desmatamento no Bioma Amazônia. Sob esse acordo, todos os signatários se comprometem a não comprar a soja produzida em terras que foram desmatadas a partir de julho de 2006. Até hoje, não foram feitas boas avaliações desse programa e a literatura de economia desconhece a efetividade de embargos a produtos como ferramenta de combate ao desmatamento. A principal especificação econométrica deste trabalho consiste numa estimação em diferenças triplas e resulta, diferentemente das avaliações anteriores, na avaliação de que a moratória não foi capaz de reduzir o desmatamento na Amazônia.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-05-04Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:48:06Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 ferreira_mafs_me_mar.pdf: 525412 bytes, checksum: 523c07bb3efc8be54168c4cb39192e8f (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / O trabalho busca reconstituir historicamente as relações entre Brasil e Cuba, com especial atenção à presença dos EUA neste relacionamento. Cuba recebe forte influência da política norte-americana através de uma política externa hostil cristalizada desde 1960 em intervenções diretas e forte embargo econômico justificados em nome do combate ao regime socialista que vigora na ilha e o seu alinhamento com a União Soviética. Finalizada a Guerra Fria e com a perda de seus parceiros do bloco socialista, o embargo dos EUA foi fortalecido e referendado como lei no congresso norte-americano em 1996, com a Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act - LIBERTAD (lei Helms-Burton), ajudando a piorar a crise econômica cubana. Para enfrentar essa nova situação, Havana tem buscado abrir novas frentes nas relações com os países da América Latina, figurando o Brasil como um parceiro em potencial especialmente na área de ciência e tecnologia. Tendo em conta a conjuntura acima, buscamos analisar em que medida esse relacionamento hostil entre EUA e Cuba afeta o Brasil. Além disso, atentou-se às possíveis pressões de Washington para que o Itamaraty mudasse sua postura neutra com relação a Cuba. Por fim, percebeu-se também que Cuba vê o Brasil como um líder regional. Todos estes fatores trazem diversos desafios para a política externa brasileira, dada a complexa conjuntura que envolve Cuba na história diplomática do continente americano. O período analisado pela pesquisa abarca os anos de 1996 a 2004, data de entrada em vigor da lei Helms-Burton até o fim do mandato do governo George W. Bush.

This study is about how the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter writes about apartheid in South Africa in the years of 1948 to 1994. The newspaper's digital archive has been investigated to achieve this purpose. Sweden has become known for its commitment to abolishing apartheid, and this paper finds out if this is in line with how the Swedish press writes about apartheid. The result shows that Dagens Nyheter was consistently opposed to apartheid, and reporting largely depends on the system being unacceptable in a civilized world. Commitment extends across many levels of society, and the workforce on Dagens Nyheter takes a stand despite the fact that the newspaper is called independent liberal. It turns out that many players get space in the newspaper   This civilized world like Sweden and other parts of the western world wants South Africa to be included seems to be determined in advance. This is explained by postcolonial theory.

While dominant International Relations (IR) theory has constructed the concept of security in such a way that excludes economic sanctions from considerations of violence, the track record of embargo tells a different story, one with a significantly higher death toll. This project challenges the borders of the hegemonic IR discourse to make room for a theoretical and political account of the deadly impacts of sanction regimes. Through a discourse analysis of IR theory, using Laclau and Mouffe’s holistic discourse theory, it looks to the spaces of meaning negotiation emerging from feminist IR theory. The renegotiated concepts of human security and structural violence make visible economic sanctions as acts of violence, and displace the binary oppositions of international/domestic, military/economic, public/private which shield embargo from the sight of its own violence. Having broken embargo out of its conceptually locked box, this project pushes further, and interrogates the connections of embargo and empire. Embargo functions to uphold imperial control and Western interests, while (re)producing racist colonial narratives. While deconstructing and reconstructing three competing understandings of embargo – embargo-as-nonviolent, embargo-as-violence, and embargo-as-imperial – I interrogate the political implications of hegemonic ways of knowing. I argue that, by challenging the hegemony of IR, we can unmask the practice of embargo, and locate its violent role in upholding imperial structures of power. / Graduate

This paper analyzes the fundamental maritime defense mentality that permeated America throughout the early part of the Republic. For fear of economic debt and foreign wars, Thomas Jefferson and his Republican party, opposed the construction of a formidable blue water naval force. Instead, they argued for a small naval force capable of engaging the Barbary pirates and other small similar forces. For protection of the nation and commerce, they wanted a strictly defensive strategy developed around coastal gunboats and harbor fortifications. This research will analyze the naval aspect of this defense mentality from its creation in 1794, through the War of 1812. The coastal defense analysis will begin at the same time and conclude with the end of the American Civil War.

This study examines how the administrations of Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan responded to the widespread human rights abuses committed by the Argentine military during the country's Dirty War between 1977 and 1982. The objective is to gain a broader understanding of the policies pursued by both administrations. Under Carter, who brought human rights to the forefront of American foreign policy, Argentina was heavily targeted and sanctioned with the anticipation that such measures would enhance the human rights status in Argentina. Ultimately, such policies resulted in open hostility in bilateral relations, culminating in Argentina's refusal to support Carter's proposed grain embargo on the Soviet Union in 1980. Reagan moved to restore relations until Argentina's invasion of the Falklands in April, 1982. The works of many authors were consulted in conjunction with newspapers, journal articles, government proceedings and declassified documents obtained from the National Security Archives.