The present study focused on establishing the reliability and validity of the Enemy Impact Inventory ? Revised (EII-R) and integrating basic needs theory in the development of the scale. The data supported that enemies can have both a negative and positive influences on: (a) our self-regard, (b) our relationships, (c) our ability to attain goals, (d) our ability to trust, and (e) our ability to feel in control of our lives. The overall reliability of the Enemy Impact Inventory (EII-R) was .87. The reliabilities for the individual negative and positive halves of the EII-R were .92 and .95 respectively. Also, all subscales within the EII-R yielded reliabilities above .82. Low to moderate correlations with existing measures confirmed the discriminant validity of the EII-R. Accordingly, the results of the present study contribute to the field by offering a sound, theory-grounded measure of the quality of enemyships unseen thus far in the literature.

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In 2022 Russia launched a large-scale invasion of its neighboring country Ukraine which compelled the United States to support Ukraine in its defense of the country. This created a situation with strained relations between USA and its allies in NATO on one side and Russia on the other side. This situation closely resembles the situation that the two superpowers, USA and the Soviet Union, found them selves in during a particularly hot period of the coldwar during the early 1980s. This study relies on Faircloughs critical discourse analysis to analyze speeches held by cold war leaders during the early 1980s and leaders of today during the time of the war in Ukraine. This essay then compares these leaders use of constructed images of “the other” in search of similarities and differences in these constructions. This study comes to the conclusion that only two of the four speeches contain a constructed image of “the other” as a clear enemy while the other two speeches portray “the other” in a less extreme way by presenting them as something alien to the own group. This study also shows that certain ways of portraying “the other” aren't bound to certain eras of time or side in aperiod of strained relations and polarization.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Fernanda Soares Macedo.pdf: 944452 bytes, checksum: 6a3b413cdeac303bda5c5e7bd202c140 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation has as main objective present the collision between the theory of Criminal Law of Enemy and Citizenship, sheltered by the Brazilian constitutional order. The emphasis above the collision is about protection of human dignity and fundamental rights and guarantees. This theory can be analyzed by many ways. The purpose of this paper is to compare the theory with the exercise of citizenship, especially in questions of equality and freedom. / A presente dissertação possui como finalidade principal a demonstração da colisão entre a teoria do Direito Penal do Inimigo, amplamente defendida pelo professor alemão Günther Jakobs e a Cidadania, abrigada pela ordem constitucional brasileira. A ênfase da referida incompatibilidade versa sobre a necessidade da proteção da dignidade da pessoa humana, e de seus direitos e garantias fundamentais. Insta salientar que o estudo da referida teoria comporta inúmeras maneiras de análise. O objetivo da presente dissertação consiste em confrontá-la com o exercício da cidadania, especialmente nos quesitos de igualdade e liberdade entre as pessoas.

Marine seaweeds constitute one of the most productive plant systems known on Earth and a rich fauna including juvenile fish and crustaceans is dependent on the habitats they form. Human influence on marine costal ecosystems has resulted in large scale changes to the abundance and distribution of species, where species introductions constitute an obvious part. The aims of this thesis were to 1) explore how non-native seaweeds impact on ecosystem functions (primary production and decomposition), and 2) study how interactions between non-native seaweeds and native communities affect invasion success. I used a combination of laboratory assays, outdoor mesocosms and field experiments. Paper I and II revealed that the impact on ecosystem functions were substantially different depending on the identity of the invader. The highly successful non-native red alga Heterosiphonia japonica had a large effect on community productivity. Due to the rapid growth of the invader, the primary production increased by more than four times in mixed species communities with the invader compared to  communities with only native species. In contrast, the morphologically similar and equally successful non-native red alga Bonnemaisonia hamifera grew slowly and had no effect on community production. But B. hamifera produces a potent defense compound that deters native herbivores and reduces the growth of micro-organisms. As a direct or indirect effect of this chemical defense, the litter from B. hamifera decomposed considerably slower compared to native seaweed litter. Rapid growth and defense against predation are likely important in explaining how the two invaders have become successful in the invaded range. These results show that traits related to invasion success may determine impacts on native communities. Paper III shows that the rapidly growing invader H. japonica is avoided as food by native herbivores, which likely enables the invader to survive during colder seasons with sub-optimal growth conditions.  In paper IV I found that competition from the native brown alga Fucus vesiculosus decreased growth of the non-native congener Fucus evanescens. Native herbivores caused more damage to the native competitor but it did not relieve F. evanescens from competitive pressure. Several native brown algae grow in the niche of F. evanescens, which may explain why the species only is growing sparingly in the invaded range. The results indicate that competition with native seaweeds have potential to reduce the success of non-native seaweeds in the new range. In summary, this thesis shows that non-native seaweeds differ strongly in their effect on ecosystem functions. Knowledge of which traits are present among abundant non-native species and how these traits relates to different effects may enable us to gain a better understanding of invasion impacts on native communities. The thesis also highlights that competitive interactions can be of importance for invasion success in seaweed communities. / <p>At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Manuscript. Paper 3: Manuscript. Paper 4: Manuscript.</p> / Alien-native trophic interactions: consequences for invasion success and ecosystem effects of invasions

The degree to which biotic interactions influence invasion success may partly depend on the evolutionary relationship between invaders and native species. In particular, since host-use by enemies such as invertebrate herbivores and fungal pathogens tends to be phylogenetically conserved, exotic plants that have close native relatives in the invaded range should be more likely to interact with enemies. In this thesis, I explore this idea using a series of experiments and field surveys at nested taxonomic levels. My results indicate that exotics from multiple plant families experience lower damage if their average phylogenetic distance from locally co-occurring native family members is higher. I then demonstrate that within the Asteraceae, foliar and capitular damage are lower on exotic compared to native species. Both damage types had a relatively large phylogenetic component, but did not decline with phylogenetic distance to native or exotic confamilials. Finally, I show that communities with versus without close relatives are unlikely to differ in resistance to the novel invader, Solidago virgaurea: biotic resistance imposed by competitors, generalist vertebrates, and specialist invertebrates resulted in similar patterns of damage and mortality regardless of the presence of congeneric natives. In some cases, effects of biota were positive: growth of S. virgaurea seedlings in soils collected near congeneric natives was enhanced more than in soils from communities where congenerics were absent. Overall, these results suggest that biotic interactions between exotic and native species can be phylogenetically structured, although trends based on distance measures tend to be weak. In some cases, damage does decline with phylogenetic distance to native species; however this trend is unlikely to be a strong force limiting invasion or structuring plant communities. These results have significant implications for current theories of invasion biology including the "Enemy Release Hypothesis" and "Darwin's Naturalization Hypothesis", as well as for community phylogenetics.

Early in the year 2014 Russia conducted an irregular warfare campaign in the Ukrainian peninsula of Crimea, in a surprisingly swift operation towards an Ukrainian loss . The warfare strategy focus of this thesis is the irregular aspect of the conflict. The conflict was discussed by NATO in a debate earlier this year. Conclusions stated that both NATO and the EU should enhance their defence and resilience against the irregular aspect of warfare, in order to repel and deter such threats in the future. Academics have different arguments about whether the Russian success was achieved using enemy centric or population centric irregular warfare. The aim of this study is to examine Russia´s annexation of Crimea based on theories of irregular warfare. By adding this research based on the conflict in Crimea, other studies based on the case may increase their scientific validity and reliability. The result shows that during the conflict, Russia used population centric irregular warfare, in parallel with a few aspects of enemy centric warfare. Therefore the irregular warfare conducted by Russia could be explained using both of the stated theories.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar as bases sistêmicas do pensamento de Günther Jakobs, fazendo o cotejo com o pensamento teórico de Niklas Luhmann, sobretudo no tocante à polêmica teoria do Inimigo. Nesse passo, após uma breve digressão sobre a teoria dos sistemas de Luhmann, analisa-se a forma como a matriz sistêmica aporta no pensamento geral de Jakobs, sendo, em sequência, desenvolvido o pensamento inicial em relação à teoria da pena. Através da ligação radical entre a função da pena e a culpabilidade, verifica-se que os conceitos de acoplamento estrutural e encerramento operativo fornecem as bases para o desenvolvimento teórico da dogmática de Jakobs, sem, contudo, serem desenvolvidos até suas últimas consequências. Por fim, ante a comparação da teoria dos sistemas com os desenvolvimentos dogmáticos, analisa-se o quanto de Luhmann há em Jakobs, e o quanto ambas as teorias se distanciam, em especial, no tocante ao Direito Penal do Inimigo. / The present work aims to analyze the systemic basis of the thought of Günther Jakobs, making comparisons with the theoretical ideas of Niklas Luhmann, particularly with regard to the controversial Enemy´s Theory. In this step, after a brief digression on Luhmanns systems theory, we analyze how the system approach brings in the general thought of Jakobs, being, in sequence, developed the initial thought in relation to the penaltys theory. Through the radical connection between the penaltys function and culpability, we noted that the concepts of structural coupling and operational closure provide the foundation for the theoretical development of Jakobs dogmatic, without, however, being developed to their ultimate consequences. Finally, the comparison of the systems theory with the dogmatics development provides the analysis of how much Luhmann is there in Jakobs, and how long both theories depart, in particular, in regards the Enemy Criminal Law

En établissant une relation entre une stratégie d’alliance et la mise en œuvre d’une politique étrangère dans un espace géographique limité, l’auteur entend interpréter des intentions (géo)politiques et place son étude en discussion avec les travaux théoriques centrés sur les rapports de force. Il reconstruit le contexte de la décision polonaise de faire alliance avec les Etats-Unis et montre l’importance de savoir si les comportements d’alliance et d’alignement sont connectés dans la logique des alliances ou si ce sont deux catégories exclusives l’une de l’autre. Il propose ensuite une relecture de la politique orientale polonaise en prenant notamment en compte l’histoire de la Pologne ainsi que les conceptions de ses élites dirigeantes afin de montrer que la stratégie d’alliance avec les Etats-Unis peut être comprise comme l’instrument privilégié de la politique orientale polonaise. Enfin, il identifie les paramètres qui permettent à la fois de corroborer l’existence d’une alliance polono-américaine opérante dans l’espace post-soviétique et d’estimer sa durabilité. Le cas polonais montre qu’il ne faut pas considérer tous les Etats comme s’ils étaient des puissances satisfaites qui cherchent surtout à maximiser leur sécurité plutôt que leur puissance, et qu’il est indispensable de penser le phénomène des alliances (géo)politiquement, historiquement, mais aussi culturellement pour être en mesure d’éviter le piège des faux paradigmes dont sont porteurs des discours construits a posteriori. / By establishing a connection between an alliance strategy and the implementation of a foreign policy in a limited geographical area, the author means to interpret (geo)political intentions and place his study in the context of theoretical works focussing on balance of power. He recontextualises the Polish decision to establish an alliance with the United States and shows the importance of knowing whether alliance and alignment behaviours are connected in the logic of alliances or whether they are two mutually exclusive categories. He then proposes to reconsider Polish eastern policy, paying particular attention to the history of Poland and the thinking of its ruling elites in order to demonstrate that the strategy of alliance with the United States can be regarded as the main instrument of Polish eastern policy. Finally, he identifies the parameters that make it possible both to confirm the existence of a Polish-American alliance operating within the post-Soviet area and to estimate its durability. The example of Poland shows that not all States can be regarded as self-satisfied powers mainly striving to maximise their security rather than their power and that the phenomenon of alliances must be considered in (geo-)political and historical, but also cultural terms in order to avoid the trap of false paradigms to which post facto discourses are prone.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-10-03T15:55:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Picheco Rolim_.pdf: 4646445 bytes, checksum: d66fbac3c2ed5d31d7c49fad63b1bbb2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-03T15:55:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Picheco Rolim_.pdf: 4646445 bytes, checksum: d66fbac3c2ed5d31d7c49fad63b1bbb2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-04 / Nenhuma / O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar a construção da imagem do inimigo interno através de alguns exemplares de cartazes impressos produzidos pelos órgãos de informação e segurança, compostos de slogans e imagens relacionados a indivíduos considerados “terroristas”, destinados a exposição pública em um período que compreende os anos de 1968 e 1975, no contexto da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, DSN. Os chamados “cartazes de terroristas procurados” foram propostos dentro de uma normativa de caça e combate ao elemento dito “subversivo”. Inicialmente, foram difundidos com o intuito do conhecimento e da delação do inimigo interno, o que os coloca dentro de uma prática metodológica e repressiva, cuja repercussão no âmbito social envolveu a população não somente para a vigília e a delação, como para inserir o medo e a insegurança no tecido social. Um conjunto de reproduções destes cartazes, chamados de “coleções”, somados a documentos produzidos pelos órgãos de informação e segurança, pelo DEOPS e pelos periódicos da época, como a revista Veja, Folha de S. Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo, possibilitaram o cruzamento destas fontes, a fim de proceder com as devidas inferências resultantes nesta dissertação. Dividida em quatro capítulos, esta dissertação parte da introdução sobre a temática e seus entornos, no capítulo seguinte discorre sobre o serviço de informações e sua extensa rede de comunicação, depois sobre a análise de conteúdo das coleções compostas de exemplares de cartazes, segundo a sua composição e apresentação e por fim, no último capítulo, um estudo sobre as efemérides nos periódicos supracitados e suas relações com os cartazes e as versões oficiais atribuídas às mortes dos “terroristas”, advindas dos órgãos de segurança e informação e divulgadas pela imprensa, selecionadas conforme o protagonismo destes indivíduos em ambas as situações. A produção e difusão destas coleções de cartazes configurou-se como uma propaganda do regime, disposto a construir a imagem do inimigo interno, a fim de apresentá-lo à sociedade como uma ameaça à nação. Esta prática repressiva embasou-se nos princípios da Lei de Segurança Nacional e da DSN, advindo de um governo autoritário que se instituiu como legítimo, caracterizando-se como um método de coação e repressão dentre outros já conhecidos. / This dissertation aims to analyze the building of the inside enemy image through some printed posters copies produced by security and information public agencies, composed of images and slogans related to people considered “terrorists”, used to public exposure in the years of 1968 and 1975, during the Brazil national security Civil-Military Dictatorship’s period, in the National Security’s Doctrine. These posters, called “wanted terrorist posters” were proposed considering a hunt and fight regulation towards a so-called “subversive” element. Initially, these posters were publicized in order to identify, recognize and report the inside enemy, defining them as a repressive and methodic praxis, whose repercussion in the social context drew in the population not only to a watching and denouncing’s process, as well as would infuse fear and insecurity in the social fabric. A set of copies of these posters, called “collections”, added to documents made by security and information public agencies, as well as other ones produced by DEOPS and some newspapers from that period, like Veja, Folha de São Paulo, and O Estado de São Paulo, made possible a proper sources crossing, in order to achieve the adequate inferences resulting from this dissertation. Divided into four chapters, this dissertation starts from the introduction about the theme and its specifications, going to the next chapter where is discussed the information service and its large network, then the posters copies’ collections content analysis according to its composition, and finally in the last chapter a study about the main facts in the aforementioned newspapers, their relations with the posters and the official versions allegedly attributed to “terrorists”, selected according to the protagonism of these individuals in those posters and the “official versions of suicide and gunfight”, bore from security and information public agencies, publicized by the press. The diffusion and production of these posters collections proved to be an advertisement made by the dictatorship’s regime which was willing to build an inside enemy’s image whose projection was used to introduce to the society the nation’s enemy face. This repressive práxis based itself on the national security law principles’ and DSN ones, produced in an authoritarian government which placed itself as a legitimate one, displaying itself as a coercion and repressive method, among others already known.