This study deals with the private schools of English Canada with a special emphasis on Upper Canada and later Ontario. Its approach is macrosociological: it covers three hundred years of schooling in Canada and compares private schools in Canada with school systems in one hundred and fifty-three societies. Various sociological models are used during the course of the study and at the conclusion the private schooling principle is connected to general sociological theory. Chapter One discusses the relationship between mass schooling and modernizaticn. Drawing on the ideas of Durkheim and Weber a developmental model of the rise of state schooling is presented. It is suggested that in modern societies private schools result from the strains of social differentiation; this yields two kinds of private schools: schools of privilege and schools of protest. Chapter Two includes an international survey of private schools; this helps to place the private schools of Canada in a comparative perspective. The survey revealed that communist and communist-inc.lined societies have abolished private schools. In non--communist societies the amount of private schooling is variable and shows no clear relationship to the degree of industrialization. From the comparative data a typology of scliool systems is developed. Further analysis shows that private schooling in English Canada is relatively small; only Norway and Sweden among modern industrial non-communist societies have smaller private school enrolments. Chapter Three covers the first four stages of the developmental model in an account of the rise of state schooling in the ten school systems of Canada. In a more detailed treatment of Upper Canada (later Ontario) it was possible to explore a conflict model of educational change presented by Scotford-Archer and Vaughan (1968). The conflict model was found to be inappropridte for the Canadian experience. The account of schooling in Newfoundland also indicated that the developmental model also required further modifications. Changes in the patterns of private schooling in nineteenth-century Ontario were discussed. Chapter Four deals with the two types of private schools. The schools of privilege are examined from a national point of view since they play an important role in the formation of the English Canadian elite. The Social characteristics of private elite schools are presented in a national survey of private school enrolment. In discussing the second type of school, the schools of protest, the study confines itself to the contemporary private schools of Ontario. The private schools run by the Roman Catholics, Reformed Church members, Mennonites and secular groups are described. Chapter Five turns to the problem of the contribution of schools tothe economy. Since state schooling seems not to be a necessary feature of industrialization a diffusionist account of the spread of state schooling is given. Private schooling is discussed in connection with two important sociological approaches: normative functionalism and conflict theory. An account of private schooling and the formation of communities shows the limitations of both these theories. Modern critics of state schooling are mentioned, included in some of their proposals is the suggesstion that more private schools should be opened. Finally there is a concluding section with suggestions for further research in the area. A lengthy appendix is attached which provides technical information, data and further comment on problems raised in the text; this appendix is intended for future researchers in the field. / This study deals with the private schools of English Canada with a special emphasis on Upper Canada and later Ontario. Its approach is macrosociological: it covers three hundred years of schooling in Canada and compares private schools in Canada with school systems in one hundred and fifty-three societies. Various sociological models are used during the course of the study and at the conclusion the private schooling principle is connected to general sociological theory. Chapter One discusses the relationship between mass schooling and modernizaticn. Drawing on the ideas of Durkheim and Weber a developmental model of the rise of state schooling is presented. It is suggested that in modern societies private schools result from the strains of social differentiation; this yields two kinds of private schools: schools of privilege and schools of protest. Chapter Two includes an international survey of private schools; this helps to place the private schools of Canada in a comparative perspective. The survey revealed that communist and communist-inc.lined societies have abolished private schools. In non--communist societies the amount of private schooling is variable and shows no clear relationship to the degree of industrialization. From the comparative data a typology of scliool systems is developed. Further analysis shows that private schooling in English Canada is relatively small; only Norway and Sweden among modern industrial non-communist societies have smaller private school enrolments. Chapter Three covers the first four stages of the developmental model in an account of the rise of state schooling in the ten school systems of Canada. In a more detailed treatment of Upper Canada (later Ontario) it was possible to explore a conflict model of educational change presented by Scotford-Archer and Vaughan (1968). The conflict model was found to be inappropridte for the Canadian experience. The account of schooling in Newfoundland also indicated that the developmental model also required further modifications. Changes in the patterns of private schooling in nineteenth-century Ontario were discussed. Chapter Four deals with the two types of private schools. The schools of privilege are examined from a national point of view since they play an important role in the formation of the English Canadian elite. The Social characteristics of private elite schools are presented in a national survey of private school enrolment. In discussing the second type of school, the schools of protest, the study confines itself to the contemporary private schools of Ontario. The private schools run by the Roman Catholics, Reformed Church members, Mennonites and secular groups are described. Chapter Five turns to the problem of the contribution of schools tothe economy. Since state schooling seems not to be a necessary feature of industrialization a diffusionist account of the spread of state schooling is given. Private schooling is discussed in connection with two important sociological approaches: normative functionalism and conflict theory. An account of private schooling and the formation of communities shows the limitations of both these theories. Modern critics of state schooling are mentioned, included in some of their proposals is the suggesstion that more private schools should be opened. Finally there is a concluding section with suggestions for further research in the area. A lengthy appendix is attached which provides technical information, data and further comment on problems raised in the text; this appendix is intended for future researchers in the field. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

George Heriot's, Travels Through The Canadas, Containing a Description of the Picturesque Scenery on some of the Rivers and Lakes; with an account of the Productions, Commerce, and Inhabitants of those Provinces to which is Subjoined a Comparative View of the Manners and Customs of Several of the Indian Nations of North and South America, was first published in London in 1805. Presenting the Canadas in a documentary and picturesque mode, Heriot's Travels since its publication has been valued as an important source of data and information. It has thus participated in and formed part of the received notions concerning Canada and its peoples in the 19th century. My thesis explores how Heriot's Travels constructs and represents Upper and Lower Canada and the diverse inhabitants of these regions. I argue that the text and its illustrations far from providing an objective description, in fact give form to contemporaneous perceptions and values and to aesthetic criteria that had colonialist implications. In particular the thesis examines how the visual material within the publication functions to reinforce or contradict the text's agenda. My contention is that Heriot's aims are much broader than those to which he admitted. For his readers the representation of Canada was tied to prospects of vast expansionist possibilities for British capital, technology, commodities and systems of knowledge. The unacknowledged aims of the book, as elaborated in my thesis were: to confirm the superiority of British rule in comparison to the earlier French administration in Canada; to define the British by a comparison to others, thus marking out existing inhabitants, specifically the French Canadians and First Nations peoples, as simple, indolent and inferior; to tame and commodity Canada through the use of the picturesque, thus ordering and civilizing the landscape for a British audience and would-be immigrants; and, finally, to reinforce Britain's economic claims in British North America. As in other travel writing of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Heriot employs in his representation of Canada the discursive languages of science, taxonomy, technology and ethnology. The picturesque descriptions in text and image work in conjunction with these and serve to demonstrate the role of art and aesthetics in maintaining an established order, and in asserting its classificatory regimes and exclusions. iii

George Heriot's, Travels Through The Canadas, Containing a Description of the Picturesque Scenery on some of the Rivers and Lakes; with an account of the Productions, Commerce, and Inhabitants of those Provinces to which is Subjoined a Comparative View of the Manners and Customs of Several of the Indian Nations of North and South America, was first published in London in 1805. Presenting the Canadas in a documentary and picturesque mode, Heriot's Travels since its publication has been valued as an important source of data and information. It has thus participated in and formed part of the received notions concerning Canada and its peoples in the 19th century. My thesis explores how Heriot's Travels constructs and represents Upper and Lower Canada and the diverse inhabitants of these regions. I argue that the text and its illustrations far from providing an objective description, in fact give form to contemporaneous perceptions and values and to aesthetic criteria that had colonialist implications. In particular the thesis examines how the visual material within the publication functions to reinforce or contradict the text's agenda. My contention is that Heriot's aims are much broader than those to which he admitted. For his readers the representation of Canada was tied to prospects of vast expansionist possibilities for British capital, technology, commodities and systems of knowledge. The unacknowledged aims of the book, as elaborated in my thesis were: to confirm the superiority of British rule in comparison to the earlier French administration in Canada; to define the British by a comparison to others, thus marking out existing inhabitants, specifically the French Canadians and First Nations peoples, as simple, indolent and inferior; to tame and commodity Canada through the use of the picturesque, thus ordering and civilizing the landscape for a British audience and would-be immigrants; and, finally, to reinforce Britain's economic claims in British North America. As in other travel writing of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Heriot employs in his representation of Canada the discursive languages of science, taxonomy, technology and ethnology. The picturesque descriptions in text and image work in conjunction with these and serve to demonstrate the role of art and aesthetics in maintaining an established order, and in asserting its classificatory regimes and exclusions. iii / Arts, Faculty of / Art History, Visual Art and Theory, Department of / Graduate

Au Québec, la mémoire de la Grande Guerre renvoie automatiquement à une vision douloureuse de l’événement. Créée et alimentée par des souvenirs à forte charge émotive tels la crise de la conscription, les émeutes de Pâques et l’inhospitalité de l’Armée canadienne envers les combattants canadiens-français, cette mémoire est non seulement négative, mais également victimisante. Dans leur récit du conflit, les Québécois ont pris pour vérité une version qui les dépeint comme boucs émissaires des Canadiens anglais. Acceptée et intégrée autant dans l’historiographie que dans la croyance collective, cette thèse du Canadien français opprimé n’a jamais été questionnée. Ce mémoire entend donc revisiter cette version en la confrontant aux sources laissées par les contemporains. En utilisant la presse anglophone et les témoignages de combattants, il lève le voile sur le regard anglo-saxon envers les Canadiens français et dans une plus large mesure, sur les relations interethniques pendant la guerre. Il témoigne de la réalité du front intérieur comme de celle du champ de bataille pour ainsi proposer une réinterprétation de cette victimisation si profondément ancrée dans le souvenir québécois. / The First World War inevitably brings back painful memories in the province of Quebec. Quebeckers have a negative recollection of the war, viewing themselves as victims. Events related to the Great War such as the conscription crisis, the Easter riots and the inhospitality expressed by the Canadian Forces towards French Canadians are emotionally-charged memories that have nurtured this conception. When writing about the war, Quebeckers depict themselves as the scapegoats of English Canadians and present this notion as a truth. Integrated in both the historiography and popular beliefs, the idea of the oppressed French Canadian has never been questioned. This thesis aims at re-examining this idea by surveying contemporary sources: the Anglophone press and testimonies from soldiers. Its objective is to reassess the attitude and perception of Canadian Anglophones towards French Canadians, and more broadly the nature of interethnic relationships in the army during World War I, both on the home front and on the battlefield. It presents a reinterpretation of the victimisation that is deeply ingrained in the remembrance Quebeckers have of the conflict.

Tant pour les contemporains que pour les observateurs des XXe et XXIe siècles, la Première Guerre mondiale représente un épisode de l'histoire de l'Humanité particulièrement difficile à se représenter, que plusieurs ont qualifié de « guerre totale ». Ce concept, souvent utilisé comme synonyme une guerre d'extrême intensité, est généralement compris sous l'angle matériel; on parle de la mobilisation totale des ressources humaines, financières et matérielles. J'explore plutôt, dans cette recherche, l'intention de chercher à détruire totalement un ennemi au risque d'être soi-même détruit dans le processus. Car, comment peut-on en venir à jongler avec l'autodestruction sans que la guerre n'acquiert un sens logique, parce que nécessaire à sa propre survie, voire même désirable pour créer un avenir meilleur? À cet effet, l'étude du cas canadien est particulièrement pertinente, car le dominion britannique, sans être objectivement menacé de destruction, a fourni un effort de guerre relativement comparable aux États européens occidentaux. Comprendre la « guerre totale » canadienne de 1914-1918 peut alors aider à comprendre celles d'autres pays et d'autres conflits. Je propose dans ce mémoire une analyse discursive basée sur l'image de guerre – dessins, caricatures et affiches – en deux temps. Tout d'abord, il se crée au niveau international un « vocabulaire » de la guerre totale partagé par les Alliés et constitué de mythes, images, et mots-clés qui permettent l'articulation d'un discours de guerre commun. Ensuite, le Canada intègre de manière différenciée ce discours pour des raisons politiques, ethnolinguistiques, culturelles, etc. La dynamique de création identitaire empruntée à l'international (« nous », les Alliés, contre « eux », les ennemis de la civilisation) se transpose au plan national, avec pour point d'orgue les élections de décembre 1917. En observant comment le Canada réagit au stress de la guerre totale des Alliés, il est possible d'observer d'une autre manière que ne le propose l'historiographie traditionnelle les luttes politiques et sociales du dominion en guerre. Je propose un portrait de la société canadienne où l'identité, les idées, le genre, et l'appartenance à la communauté canadienne ne dépendent pas de l'ethnicité, mais plutôt de l'adhésion ou non aux buts de guerre totale avancés par les Alliés. En bref, l'appartenance à une communauté internationale d'idées en guerre – les Alliés – sert, selon cette analyse, de moteur aux acteurs nationalistes canadiens. / Ranging from contemporaries to observers of the XX and XIX centuries, the First World War is a part of human history difficult to portray that many have described as a “total war”. This concept, which is often employed as a synonym for a war of extreme intensity, is generally perceived from a material angle. In other words, it involves an all-out mobilisation of human, financial, and material resources. As part of this research, I focus on the intention to completely destroy the enemy at the risk of destroying oneself in the process. After all, why would actors think it logical to risk self-destruction in the war? Above all, this struggle needs to be perceived as logical, which would make it necessary for their own survival; it could even be perceived as desirable because it presages a better future. For this reason, the study of the Canadian case is quite instructive because this British dominion, without objectively being threatened with destruction, has participated in a war effort in a way comparable to Western European states. Hence, understanding the concept of Canadian “total war” of 1914-1918 can enable us to better understand total war efforts of other countries and other conflicts. In this dissertation, I propose a twofold discursive analysis based on images of war—drawings, caricatures, and posters. In the first part, a new “vocabulary” of total war common to the Allies and comprised of myths, images and key words geared to the articulation of a common war language is created in the in the international arena. In the second part, Canada adopts this language, albeit in a differentiated form, for political, ethno-linguistic cultural, and many other reasons. The dynamic of identity creation is borrowed from abroad (“Us”, the Allies against “Them”, the enemies of civilisation) and is transposed to the national level, culminating during the elections of December 1917. By observing how Canada reacted to the resulting stress of the total war effort of the Allies, it is possible to develop an alternative observation of political and social struggles of the Dominion at war that runs counter to traditional historiographies. I propose a portrait of Canadian society where identity, ideas, gender, and a sense of belonging to the Canadian community do not depend on one’s ethnicity, but rather on whether or not one supports the objectives of the total war put forth by the Allies. In brief, the sense of belonging to an international community of ideas at war—the Allies—, according to this analysis, is the guiding principle for nationalist Canadian actors.

The war against Germany was perceived by the majority of English Canadians as a necessity to defend the British Empire, democracy and justice. However, it became increasingly evident to the public that some individuals were being permitted to prosper, while others — particularly those of the working class — endured immense hardship. These individuals who prospered at a level judged excessive became known as "profiteers." Initial criticisms of profiteering were connected to graft, jobbery and patronage apparent in government military purchases. However, as public sacrifices intensified, the morally acceptable extent to which individuals and businesses could profit came to be more narrowly defined. Criticisms of profiteering expanded to challenge the mainstream liberal notions of private wealth and laissez-faire policies as being inequitable and undemocratic. The federal government's unwillingness to seriously implement measures against profiteering led to rising discontent. Consequently, working-class English Canadians aspired to form a 'new democracy' that was worth the sacrifices of the war. / Thesis (Master, History) -- Queen's University, 2013-09-19 19:02:13.077