The atrocities committed by the Nazis during the second world war meant that the public view of Nazism and fascism in the late 1940s and early 1950s was at a record low. In many countries the government actively sought to combat organizations professing a loyalty to fascism and many groups all over Europe struggled to find new followers and support in the post-war era. In wake of this there were an interesting development within post-war fascist organisations. As a result of their inability to gain support in their nations they began cooperating more with other groups across the borders. One interesting expression of this trend was the formation of a fascist international in 1951. Formed as a result of two international conferences, one in Rome 1950 and one in Malmö 1951, the movement sought to create a federal European state of nationalist states with the purpose of establishing Europe as a third power in the cold war, ideologically independent from the liberal USA and communist Soviet bloc. At Malmö it was decided to form an umbrella organisation named Europäische Soziale Bewegung (ESB), the European social movement. Furthermore, it was decided that the organisation would have permanent secretariat in Malmö which would be organized and led by a commission composed of Per Engdahl, the former SS-officer Karl-Heinz Priester, the French revisionist Maurice Bardéche and the secretary of the MSI Augusto de Marsanich. This study focuses on the correspondence of Per Engdahl during the years of the congresses in order to examine how the personal networks of fascist leaders helped create, form and maintain the international cooperation of ESB. Using the social network perspective argued by Ylva Hasselberg, Leos Müller and Niklas Stenlås, the study found that Engdahl’s connections with key figures in the extreme right played a key part in planning and organizing the congress as well as formulating the ideological programme and the organisations operation. Furthermore, the study found that Engdahl’s network was frequently used to share information and news from the various movements. The study thereafter concludes that Engdahl’s network is good example of how the post-war fascist organisation intertwined and helped develop the international currents of fascism. In doing so, the study contributes to the research of entangled history in transnational fascism studies.

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Zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhundert bildete der aus zahlreichen Grenzgebieten bestehende und zwischen der Habsburgermonarchie, Serbien und Montenegro befindliche Sandžak die nördlichsten Teile der osmanischen Provinz Kosovo. Dessen multikonfessionelle und mehrsprachige Einwohner waren bis zu frühen 1920er Jahren den Regierungspraktiken von fünf Staaten unterworfen: dem Osmanischen Reich, Montenegro, Serbien, der Habsburgermonarchie und dem Königreich der Serben, Kroaten und Slowenen. Es gelang jedem dieser Staaten, die Einheimische für ihre eigenen militärischen Zwecke zu mobilisieren. Bislang hat sich die Geschichtsschreibung entweder auf eine imaginäre Gemeinschaft oder auf Regierungsstrukturen konzentriert. Die vorliegende Dissertation bietet einen umfassenderen und differenzierteren Ansatz, indem sie eine lokale Perspektive einnimmt und bei den Mobilmachungsbemühungen des Staates nach dem „Großen im Kleinen“ sucht. Die Studie zeigt, dass die militärischen Mobilisierungen ein Feld konstruierten, das er ermöglicht, verschiedene Staatsziele zu analysieren, einschließlich der Figurationen zwischen der herrschenden Eliten und den Einheimischen. Die Erzählung konzentriert sich auf staatliche Pläne, die die Mobilmachungen zu verschleiern versuchten, und auf die Lebenswelten der Einheimischen. Hierzu werden verschiedene Ebenen des Regimewechsels, die Vorstellungen von Loyalität, Sicherheit und Ungewissheit im Wandel untersucht. Die Dissertation befasst sich mit Praktiken der Abgrenzung und Verdinglichung auferlegter Kategorien, mit Strategien der herrschenden Eliten, mit Widerstandstaktiken der Einheimischen, mit der Position von Frauen und Kindern in diesem Kontext. Die militärischen Mobilmachungen des Staates zielen darauf ab, den Übergang von Grenzgebieten als Ort, an dem gesellschaftliche Gefüge verschwommen sind, zu angrenzendem Land, wo feste ethnonationale Hierarchien und die Verwaltung von Ressourcen – in staatlicher Hand etablieret sind, zu erleichtern. Die Studie zeigt, dass dies kein eindimensionaler Prozess war. / At the beginning of the 20th century, the Sandžak, a mental map that consisted of numerous borderlands, made up the northmost parts of the Ottoman province of Kosovo. By the early 1920s, its multi-confessional and multi-lingual inhabitants were subject to the governmental practices of the five polities: The Ottoman Empire, Montenegro, Serbia, the Habsburg Monarchy, and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Each of these states managed to mobilize the locals for their own military purposes (the Balkans Wars (1912/13) and World War I). The historiography has dealt namely with the broader setting, either by focusing on one imagined community or on governmental structures. The present study offers a more nuanced approach by attending to a local perspective and searching for the “big in the small” in the state’s mobilization efforts. The study contents that the military mobilizations constructed a field through which analyzing various states' goals, including figurations between the ruling elites and the locals of various forms of capital and gender, is feasible. The narrative is centered on the state’s hidden plans, which the mobilizations aptly veiled, and on the lifeworld of the locals by investigating various levels of regime change and the notions of loyalty, security, and uncertainty from Ottoman to SCS rule. The study deals with the practices of demarcation and/or reification of imposed categories; its strategies for achieving mobilization of the borderlands’ inhabitants; how the tactics of the latter, regardless of confession, were used to defy the governance policies; the position of women and children in this game; and all their local social networks. The state’s military mobilizations were aimed at facilitating the transition of borderlands, as a place where societal boundaries were blurred, to bordered land, where fixed ethno-national hierarchizations and the management of resource – in the hands of the state – were achieved. The dissertation shows that this transition was not a one-dimensional process.

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