As propagandas estão presentes hoje em praticamente todos os meios de comunicação, e nelas a recorrência de temas ambientais é cada vez mais notável. As chamadas propagandas verdes constituem importantes elementos das estratégias de marketing que muitas organizações utilizam para difundir mensagens de compromisso e preocupação com a natureza e o ambiente, e que são veiculadas junto aos apelos para o consumo de suas marcas e produtos. Esta dissertação, que é uma pesquisa e uma reflexão acerca do significado e da amplitude do greenwashing, procura fazer uma análise crítica do discurso das propagandas ambientais e de suas ideologias, discutindo de que forma seus conflitos éticos ajudam a produzir um cenário favorável à manutenção de valores culturais e socioambientais insustentáveis, e ao contrário do que diz a propaganda. Com base em levantamento feito nas produções e pesquisas realizadas por diversos outros autores, foi elaborada inclusive uma matriz de referências teóricas que permite a identificação do greenwashing veiculado pelas organizações. E com os pressupostos metateóricos que essa matriz fornece, foram analisadas propagandas nacionais veiculadas na mídia impressa ou eletrônica nos últimos anos. / Advertising can be found in almost all kinds of media, and among that the increasing occurrence specifically of green advertising is remarkable. The so called green advertising is an important element of marketing strategies used by many organizations to spread their messages of worries and commitment about nature and the environment while, at the same time, promote their brands and products for sale. This dissertation, which is a research and also a reflection about the meaning and occurrence of greenwashing, makes a critical analysis of discourse of green advertising and its ideology. It reveals their ethical conflicts and how they help to produce a favorable scenario to keep social and cultural values actually unsustainable, on the opposite way of the advertising claims. It was proposed a sinoptical matrix of theoretical references from previous authors which can be used to identify greenwashing. According to the meta-theoretical conjectures provided by this matrix, several cases of recent advertising were assessed.

Despite decades of research on environmental behavior, it is unknown how various political actors aid in the development of ecological citizenship (EC). The purpose of this correlational study was to determine the relationship between environmental worldview (NEP) and willingness to take action (WTTA) among political actors within 5 states: Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska, South Dakota, and North Dakota. The overarching research question examined how EC can be increased within the 5-state region by identifying the similarities and differences in NEP and WTTA between state legislators, state partners, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Bronfenbrenner's bioecological model provided the theoretical framework for the study. Out of 1,800 invited participants, 117 state legislators, 328 formal partnership directors, and 237 NGO administrators from the 5-state region participated in an online survey that measured their NEP, WTTA, and endorsement of EC principles. Nearly 20% of all respondents endorsed EC indicated by a high NEP and a high WTTA. Results of correlational analyses found a significant positive relationship between NEP and WTTA for each group. Further regression analysis found variation in group WTTA attributable to NEP varied from 32% for partnership directors and 36% for NGO administrators to 61% for state legislators. These findings indicated that EC can be affected by both private and public stakeholders. The implications for positive social change include demonstrating how state governments, in partnership with NGOs and other agencies, can increase EC within their states, and how improved partnerships can increase local opportunities to foster EC.

Ce travail étudie la réaction des grands partis de gouvernement face au développement d’un clivage entre Écologie et Productivisme dans les démocraties occidentales. Pour ce faire, il croise la théorie des clivages et les théories de la compétition sur enjeux. L’hypothèse centrale de ce travail voudrait que ces partis neutralisent le nouveau clivage, en refusant d’accorder leur attention aux enjeux qui le constituent, en les cadrant de manière générale et liée aux clivages historiques et en prenant des positions qui n’impliquent pas le conflit avec leurs adversaires. L’opérationnalisation empirique de cette recherche combine la comparaison et les méthodes mixtes. Elle permet de montrer que les grands partis de gouvernement s’avèrent pour l’essentiel incapables de mener à bien leur stratégie de neutralisation : l’attention accordée au thème environnemental dans leurs programmes s’est accrue et ils ont dû mettre en avant de nouveaux enjeux environnementaux. La seule manière à travers laquelle ces partis parviennent à neutraliser le nouveau clivage consiste à adopter des positions qui n’impliquent pas le conflit. Toutefois, plusieurs facteurs expliquent les variations des réactions partisanes : l’agenda de l’environnement, la gravité du problème écologique, le positionnement sur l’axe gauche-Droite et les divisions internes. D’autres éléments ont un effet limité : les conditions économiques, la position institutionnelle du parti et la menace posée par les concurrents écologistes. Que les facteurs sociaux et environnementaux aient plus d’influence que les facteurs propres à la compétition politique rend d’autant plus pertinente une approche centrée sur les clivages. / This thesis studies how mainstream parties have reacted to a new cleavage dividing Environmentalism and Productivism in advanced industrial democracies. To do so, it associates cleavage theory and issue competition theories. The central hypothesis of this research is that mainstream parties should neutralize the new cleavage, by granting little attention to the diverse environmental issues that form the new cleavage, by framing those issues in relation to the historical cleavages on which they are funded, and by taking positions that imply no direct conflict with their opponents. The research design rests on comparison and mixed methods. The study concludes that big governing parties mostly fail to follow their ideal strategy. Their attention to the environmental theme has grown considerably over the last four decades, and they have had to deal with numerous new environmental issues that have no connection to the old cleavages. The only way these parties have been able to prevent the expansion of conflict is by taking consensual positions on those issues. Yet, many factors explain variations in parties’ reactions: the environmental agenda in the media and in social movements, the severity of environmental degradation, the left-Right position of parties and internal divisions. Other variables have limited effect: the macroeconomic situation, incumbency, and, more surprisingly, the threat posed by green party challengers do not seem to affect big governing parties’ politicization of the environment. The fact that social and environmental factors matter more than explanations based on party competition’s internal dynamics upholds a cleavage-Based approach.

[pt] O movimento dos seringueiros tem sido interpretado como um movimento local, que eclodiu no Brasil em torno de questões fundiárias. Naquele período, a Amazônia passava por um processo de modernização, marcado pela implementação de projetos respaldados por instituições internacionais, prejudicando a situação dos seringueiros. Inicialmente, estes atores mobilizaram se pelos seus direitos pela terra. Mas sua percepção alterou-se nos anos 80, na medida em que entraram em contato com atores externos ao movimento e formaram redes transnacionais em torno de uma questão entendida à época como um problema global: o desmatamento da floresta tropical. Estas redes trabalharam juntas em campanhas, pressionando o governo brasileiro por meio de instituições internacionais com o objetivo de preservar a Amazônia. O objetivo deste estudo é analisar o processo de transnacionalização do movimento dos seringueiros, considerando-se a relação entre o local e o global, bem como a construção de identidade entre os atores envolvidos em tal processo. / [en] The rubber tappers movement has been interpreted as a local movement that ecloded in Brazil during the 70 s around land right issues. Amazonia in that period was going through a process of modernization, marked by the implementation of projects supported by international institutions, making worse the situation of the rubber tappers. Initially, those actors mobilized for their rights to have lands. But their perception changed by the 80 s, as they got in contact with some actors external to that movement and formed transnational networks around an issue understood at that time as a global problem: the deforestation of the rain forest. Those networks worked together in caimpaigns, targeting Brazilian government through international institutions so as to preserve Amazonia. The object of this study is to analyse the process of transnationalization of the rubber tappers movement, considering the local-global relation and the construction of identity among the actors envolved on such process.

Abstract not available

<p>During recent years, resilience theory – originally developed in systems ecology – has advanced as a new approach to sustainable development. However, it is still more of an academic theory than a discourse informing environmental politics. The aim of this essay is to study resilience theory as a potential environmental discourse in the making and to outline the political implications it might induce. To gain a more comprehensive knowledge of resilience theory, I study it in relation to already existing environmental discourses. Following earlier research on environmental discourses I define the discourses of ecological modernization, green governmentality and civic environmentalism as occupying the discursive space of environmental politics. Further, I define six central components as characteristics for all environmental discourses. Outlining how both the existing environmental discourses and resilience theory relates to these components enables an understanding of both the political implications of resilience theory and of resilience theory as an environmental discourse in relation to existing environmental discourses. The six central discourse components I define are 1) the view on the nation-state; 2) the view on capitalism; 3) the view on civil society; 4) the view on political order; 5) the view on knowledge; 6) the view on human-nature relations. By doing an empirical textual analysis of academic texts on resilience theory I show that resilience theory assigns a limited role for the nation-state and a very important role for civil society and local actors when it comes to environmental politics. Its view on local actors and civil society is closely related to its relativist view on knowledge. Resilience theory views capitalism as a root of many environmental problems but with some political control and with changing perspectives this can be altered. Furthermore, resilience theory seems to advocate a weak bottom-up perspective on political order. Finally, resilience theory views human-nature relations as relations characterized by human adaptation to the prerequisites of nature. In conclusion, I argue that the empirical analysis show that resilience theory, as an environmental discourse, to a great extent resembles a subdivision of civic environmentalism called participatory multilateralism.</p>

Recognizing that over the past decade transnational environmental activism focusing on climate change has radicalized in public tactics and discourse, this project employs a mechanism-process approach to analyze and explain processes of tactical and discursive radicalization within the global climate justice movement(s) over time. As global activists within this movement construct and pursue public, as well as covert, campaigns directed at states, international institutions, corporations, the media and society at large, it asks why, how and to what effect specific sectors of the broader movement have radicalized from the period 2006-2010. Utilizing longitudinal quantitative protest event and political claims analysis and ethnographic field work and participant action research, it aims to provide a descriptive and comparative account of tactical and discursive variations at international climate change protests situated within the context of a broader cycle of transnational global justice contention.

During recent years, resilience theory – originally developed in systems ecology – has advanced as a new approach to sustainable development. However, it is still more of an academic theory than a discourse informing environmental politics. The aim of this essay is to study resilience theory as a potential environmental discourse in the making and to outline the political implications it might induce. To gain a more comprehensive knowledge of resilience theory, I study it in relation to already existing environmental discourses. Following earlier research on environmental discourses I define the discourses of ecological modernization, green governmentality and civic environmentalism as occupying the discursive space of environmental politics. Further, I define six central components as characteristics for all environmental discourses. Outlining how both the existing environmental discourses and resilience theory relates to these components enables an understanding of both the political implications of resilience theory and of resilience theory as an environmental discourse in relation to existing environmental discourses. The six central discourse components I define are 1) the view on the nation-state; 2) the view on capitalism; 3) the view on civil society; 4) the view on political order; 5) the view on knowledge; 6) the view on human-nature relations. By doing an empirical textual analysis of academic texts on resilience theory I show that resilience theory assigns a limited role for the nation-state and a very important role for civil society and local actors when it comes to environmental politics. Its view on local actors and civil society is closely related to its relativist view on knowledge. Resilience theory views capitalism as a root of many environmental problems but with some political control and with changing perspectives this can be altered. Furthermore, resilience theory seems to advocate a weak bottom-up perspective on political order. Finally, resilience theory views human-nature relations as relations characterized by human adaptation to the prerequisites of nature. In conclusion, I argue that the empirical analysis show that resilience theory, as an environmental discourse, to a great extent resembles a subdivision of civic environmentalism called participatory multilateralism.

This essay identifies and evaluates the most common environmental critiques made against nuclear energy development. Environmentalists articulate four major concerns: the destructive effects and health risks of uranium mining; the dangers posed by radiation releases and meltdowns; the difficult of nuclear waste disposal; and national security concerns, including nuclear weapons proliferation and the possibility of attack or sabotage. By characterizing and describing these concerns, we are better able to decide which problems are most compelling, and suggest possible policy-driven solutions.

ABSTRACTNowadays the importance of environmental logistics is increasing while organizations are trying to pay more attention to their transport activities. Since PNL is a famous logistics company in Nordic countries and transport activates are done by sub contractors they intend to make sound environmental choices by assessing their suppliers from environmental performance in order to identify the best suppliers which is comply with the PNL environmental policy.In this project the survey study and questionnaire has been made in order to evaluate the supplier performance from environmental perspective. At first the investigation has been made for improving the previous questionnaire which was made by PNL. Some parts were revised according to researchers‟ knowledge, reliable references and suggestion of environmental consultant. Lots of study has been made in order to find the most importing effects that can affect environmentalism. Obtained results from questionnaire were analyzed and appropriate suggestions were given in order to enlighten the significant importance of environmental issues.Due to complexity of decision making environment, the applicable and reliable method should be applied to cope with complexity and the factors that can affect the objective while simplifying the process. Analytical Hierarchy process has been applied for this project in order to change the qualitative situation into quantitative manner to rate the suppliers based on their performance.The first step in AHP process is constructing hierarchy in two or more level for evaluating the alternatives. The goal of the project is environmental performance .Second level is criteria which has been made according to literature and the importance of them while the suggestions of consultant has been applied as well. Third level is sub criteria which are questions of questionnaire and finally the forth level include alternative which is suppliers.Next step in AHP process is weighting criteria and sub criteria and making pair wise comparison between them. Procedure of weighting is done by researchers and managers from PNL in order to decrease the subjectivity of decision making process. The result from suppliers has been investigated and points were given to them according to their performance and ability regarding environmental logistics.Sensitivity analysis was made for analyzing the result from AHP in order to investigate the responsiveness of the result.Key words: Logistics, Environmentalism, AHP Method, Supplier Assessment, Survey Study.