Thesis (Ph.D.) - Carleton University, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 370-388). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

<p>That parents should be a part in their children’s education is something that we educationalist wish for the future. Research show that if you have a good relation between parents and school, it can help a student's educational process. In this study I have concentrated on the Swedish minority group Roma. The study is qualitative and based on interviews with Roma. The goal of my study has been that with hermeneutics perspectives analyse some Romani parent’s experiences of their children schools. I have interviewed a mother who sent her children to a class who had only Romani students. I have also made a group interview with 15 students between 22-28 years of age, which have children in the ordinary Swedish schools. In my results I have come to the conclusion that the schools in general should get more education about the Romani culture and history so that mainstream students can understand the situation of the Romani minority in the society today. To spread knowledge of the Romani culture would be an important issue to get a revised picture about the Romani minority and to change the general view that people today still have about the Roma. </p>

That parents should be a part in their children’s education is something that we educationalist wish for the future. Research show that if you have a good relation between parents and school, it can help a student's educational process. In this study I have concentrated on the Swedish minority group Roma. The study is qualitative and based on interviews with Roma. The goal of my study has been that with hermeneutics perspectives analyse some Romani parent’s experiences of their children schools. I have interviewed a mother who sent her children to a class who had only Romani students. I have also made a group interview with 15 students between 22-28 years of age, which have children in the ordinary Swedish schools. In my results I have come to the conclusion that the schools in general should get more education about the Romani culture and history so that mainstream students can understand the situation of the Romani minority in the society today. To spread knowledge of the Romani culture would be an important issue to get a revised picture about the Romani minority and to change the general view that people today still have about the Roma.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Toronto, 2004. / Adviser: Diane Gerin-Lajoie.

Thesis (M.A.)--Bowling Green State University, 2009. / Document formatted into pages; contains ix, 122 p. : ill. Includes bibliographical references.

No / Vitiligo is a visible condition that is more noticeable in darker-skinned people. Beliefs about illness have been linked to psychosocial adjustment. There is some evidence that such beliefs may be influenced by cultural factors. Surprisingly little is known about beliefs in relation to vitiligo. Objectives The study sought to explore in depth the ways in which British Asian women manage and adjust psychosocially to vitiligo, and the potential role of ethnicity and culture in this process. Methods In-depth semistructured interviews were conducted with seven British women of South Asian decent and analysed using the qualitative method of template analysis. Results Participants described feeling visibly different and all had experienced stigmatization to some extent. Avoidance and concealment were commonplace. Experiences of stigmatization were often perceived to be associated with cultural values related to appearance, status, and myths linked to the cause of the condition. Conclusions The findings of this study present a unique in-depth analysis of British South Asians living with vitiligo and suggest there is a need for further research to explore cultural associations of disfigurement and of adjustment to chronic skin conditions. Furthermore, they suggest that in addition to individual therapeutic interventions there may be a need for community interventions aimed at dispelling myths and raising awareness of sources of support and treatment.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:20:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edileia Mota Diniz.pdf: 1326755 bytes, checksum: 54aef30316ab5381b474629c5c2215be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-03-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Japanese religions in Brazil, including Seicho-No-Ie, was directly linked to Japanese immigration, which began in 1908. These immigrants brought with them cosmologies and religious practices that were part of a rich and ancient cultural legacy. A variety of New Religious Movements had begun to appear in Japan primarily during the modernizing "Meiji Restoration" (1868-1912), including Oomoto, Tenrikyô, Soka Gakkai, the Messianic Church, and Seicho-No-Ie. In 1930, Masaharu Taniguchi (1893-1985) founded Seicho-No-Ie, a philosophical-religious movement whose name means "home of infinite progressing". Its doctrine is based in a series of revelations that Taniguchi claimed to have received from a Shinto divinity; it draws on Buddhist and Shinto traditions, later mixed with Christian concepts. The propagation of Taniguchi s teachings in a magazine led to Seicho-No-Ie s expansion, first in Japan and later in other parts of the world. Taniguchi was a prophetic and charismatic leader. He installed a peculiar system of symbolic domination that is amenable to analysis using the theories of Max Weber and Pierre Bourdieu. The institutionalization process took Taniguchi s family as idealized model and articulated a hybrid system of patriarchal, charismatic and bureaucratic domination, establishing an androcentric order initially inspired on the Japanese imperial tradition in which feminine roles are subordinate. This structure privileged the succession to leadership of Master Taniguchi s son-in-law, Seicho Arachi (who adopted his father-in-law s surname) and, years later, of the eldest grandson, Masanobu Taniguchi (first-born of Seicho and his wife, Emiko). In the early 1930s, Japanese immigrants to Brazil discovered Seicho-No-Ie, due in large part to reading a magazine edited in Japan by Taniguchi. However, the key factor in establishing Seicho-No-Ie in Brazil was the missionary work of two Japanese immigrants, brothers Daijiro and Miyoshi Matsuda. The Brazilian organization was officially recognized as a branch office of the Japanese headquarters on May 30, 1951. The initial growth of Seicho-No-Ie in Brazil was bounded by the ethnic and cultural limits of the Japanese community. It began to attract native-born Brazilians in the 1960s, as it sought to acculturate its doctrinal activities. This study describes Seicho-No-Ie s doctrinal and administrative structure in Brazil, presenting them as a reproduction of International Headquarters in Japan. It analyzes the religious discourse found in books and magazines, and, currently, in television programs. It argues that these media, along with the teachings of a select body of lecturers, were the primary means of reproducing Masaharu Taniguchi s legacy to his Japanese, Brazilian, and other followers. / A inserção das novas religiões japonesas no Brasil, entre elas a Seicho-No-Ie, está diretamente ligada à imigração japonesa, iniciada em 1908. Esses imigrantes trouxeram com eles cosmovisões e práticas religiosas, que faziam parte de um antigo e rico legado cultural. No Japão, o surgimento dessas novas religiões se deu, principalmente, em decorrência da Restauração Meiji (1868-1912), um período de modernização daquele país. Nessa época apareceram a Oomoto, Tenrikyô, Soka Gakkai, Igreja Messiânica Mundial e a Seicho-No-Ie. Masaharu Taniguchi (1893-1985) fundou a Seicho-No-Ie em 1930, um movimento filosófico-religioso, cujo nome significa lar do progredir infinito . A sua base doutrinária está fundamentada nas tradições budistas e xintoístas mescladas, posteriormente, com preceitos do cristianismo. O fato fundante dessa nova religião são as revelações que Taniguchi afirma ter recebido de uma divindade xintoísta. Foi, no entanto, a divulgação de seus ensinamentos, por meio de uma revista, que deu início à sua expansão no Japão e depois em várias partes do mundo. Taniguchi foi um líder profético e carismático, que instaurou um sistema de dominação simbólica peculiar, mas passível de ser analisada à luz das teorias de Max Weber e Pierre Bourdieu. O processo de institucionalização tomou a família Taniguchi como o modelo ideal, articulando-se a partir dela um sistema de dominação misto de patriarcal, carismático e burocrático. Assim se formou um legado, inicialmente inspirado na tradição imperial japonesa, em que o papel feminino está subordinado à ordem androcêntrica. Esse fator privilegiou a sucessão do Mestre Taniguchi por seu genro, Seicho Arachi, que adotou o sobrenome do sogro e, anos mais tarde, se reproduziu na ascensão do primogênito do casal Seicho e Emiko, Masanobu Taniguchi. No Brasil, os imigrantes japoneses, já no início dos anos 30, descobriram a Seicho-No-Ie, graças ao recebimento do mensário editado no Japão por Taniguchi. Foi, entretanto, o trabalho missionário dos irmãos Daijiro e Miyoshi Matsuda, imigrantes japoneses no Brasil, que a Seicho-No-Ie aqui se estabeleceu e se desenvolveu, obtendo o seu reconhecimento oficial como filial da sede japonesa, em 30/05/51. Inicialmente a Seicho-No-Ie se restringiu às fronteiras étnicas e culturais da colônia japonesa, porém, a partir de 1960, passou a atrair brasileiros, enquanto buscava aculturar as suas atividades doutrinárias. Busca-se neste estudo descrever a organização assumida no Brasil pela Seicho-No-Ie, a sua estrutura doutrinária e administrativa, apresentando-as como uma reprodução da Sede Internacional situada no Japão. Procuramos valorizar o discurso religioso da Seicho-No-Ie contido nos livros e revistas publicados, e atualmente, em programas de televisão. Acreditamos serem esses meios, ao lado dos ensinamentos transmitidos por um seleto corpo de preletores, as principais formas de reprodução desse legado que Masaharu Taniguchi deixou aos seus seguidores, japoneses, brasileiros e de outras nacionalidades.

The aim of this study is to examine social work students’ experiences of knowledge regarding ethnicity and culture in the social work education at Stockholm University and if this knowledge is of importance for their future role as social workers. This is a qualitative study based on seven semi-structured interviews. The students were asked about how knowledge regarding ethnicity and culture has been depicted in the social work education and how to integrate this subject in the social work education to make it significant for the students. Lastly, the social work students also discussed whether they believe that the social work education has given them skills for their future work with clients categorized as non-ethnic swedes. The theoretical framework used in this study is the critical theory, anti-oppressive theory and the term ethnocentrism. The results of this study highlight that knowledge regarding ethnicity and culture has been depicted from western perspective, knowledge regarding ethnicity and culture should be integrated through discussions and by having teachers who have interpretative prerogative. Further, the social work students emphasized the need for awareness of oppressive structures that affect clients categorized as non-ethnic swedes and self-reflection as a set of important skills for their future work with these clients.