This thesis aims to study the indirect effects of the Europeanization on national parties and the presence of an established national opposition towards the European Union (EU) and its effects in Sweden, as a result of the so-called conflict of Vaxholm.   The questions asked were whether or not it existed an established national opposition towards the EU, and if so, what the opposition consists of substantially. The research method, which was used, is a quantified text analysis on the chamber debates of the Swedish Riksdag and the party congresses of Socialdemokraterna. The study shows that there is an ambivalent opposition towards the EU and its effects in the aftermath of the conflict of Vaxholm.  Socialdemokraterna presented resistance, but did not manage to present apparent alternatives, which left the party with a rather indistinctive opposition. In contrast to the right-wing party, the left-wing party had some profound difficulties in positioning itself in the new and globalized economy. I therefore suggest, that it might be more providing and exhaustive to introduce Azmanova’s ideal-type analysis, which instead of positing parties on a left-right continuum, posit parties after respective party’s opinions concerning the risks or opportunities which the EU and the internal market’s effects.

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p> </p><p>The purpose of this study is to examine if the Swedish policy of foreign affairs has been changed due to the Swedish enter as members in the European Union. The research method used for this essay has been a comparative case study between the Swedish and Norwegian declared policy of foreign affairs and it strives to answer the research question, which is if the Swedish declared policy of foreign affairs has been changed in character due to the Europeanization. The theoretical framework of this study consists of Europeanization as a comprehensive theoretical perspective. I order to answer the research question a classification schedule has been elaborated to examine the objectives of the Swedish and Norwegian declared policy of foreign affairs. The analytical method of this part has been a quantitative and qualitative approach. The conclusion of the study points out that the character of the declared policy of foreign affairs has been changed over time in both Sweden and Norway which makes it difficult to use Europeanization as key explanation to this change in character.</p><p>                                                                                                                                  </p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: Policy of foreign affairs, Objectives of foreign affairs, European Union, Europeanization</p><p> </p><p><strong>Nyckelord</strong>: Utrikespolitik, Utrikespolitiska mål, Europeiska Unionen, Europeisering</p>

Le processus d’européanisation invite la Roumanie postcommuniste à redéfinir sa culture politique. Bien qu’inachevé, il provoque la mise en place des mécanismes de rétraction du politique. Le déclin contemporain de la démocratie représentative ainsi que de l’engagement partisan, nous invitent à repenser la relation « démocratie – européanisation ». Tant que les conditions ne sont pas réunies pour une démocratisation de l’Union européenne, elles ne le seront pas pour l’amélioration de l’exercice démocratique des Etats qui la composent. L’implantation d’une culture démocratique en Roumanie est endiguée par le manque de compréhension du Politique, mais aussi par l’entrée en post-démocratie d’une culture dont les racines sont paternalistes et clientélaires. Le passage d’une incompréhension du politique à l’impolitique trace les contours d’une culture qui a du mal à se définir. Avant d’être un régime, la démocratie est une culture des valeurs. Cette étude traite de la démocratie comme culture ainsi que des barrières qui empêchent sa transposition dans la Roumanie postcommuniste. Nous allons interroger la manière roumaine de se construire comme société. L’apport de la sociologie historique et de l’anthropologie à la compréhension de la culture politique postcommuniste roumaine reste non seulement important, mais crucial. Il nous permet de percer les différences de trajectoire des partis Social Démocrate – PSD et National Libéral – PNL suite à l’intégration européenne. Notre travail cherche à regarder la culture politique roumaine en miroir de celle européenne, prenant acte de la difficulté à sortir de soi. Une Roumanie européanisée et démocrate dévient plus fictive que jamais. L’européanisation n’améliore pas la qualité de l’exercice démocratique. Prisonnière de la continuité des élites qui entretiennent un lien étroit avec le passé, la culture politique roumaine parle plus de continuité que de rupture. L’européanisation n’entraîne pas la Roumanie au passage d’un régime communiste à un régime démocratique, mais à celui d’un communisme national à une démocratie nationale. Les cadres politiques postcommunistes restent producteurs d’idéologie à partir de l’imitation du modèle européen pour redonner un sens à l’action politique. Pourtant, chaque instant ne vaut pas l’imitation, mais aussi de la création. / The Europeanization process invites post-communist Romania to redefine its political culture. Although incomplete, it causes the setting up of retraction mechanisms of politics.The contemporary decline of the representative democracy and of the partisan engagement invites us to redefine the relationship between « Democracy and Europeanization ». As long as the conditions for democratization of the European Union are not settled, they will not aim at the improvement of the democratic exercise of the States that compose it. The establishment of a democratic culture in Romania is impeded by the lack of understanding Politics, but also by the entry into the post-democracy era of a culture whose roots are paternalistic and clientelist. The transition from misunderstanding politics to impolitic traces the contours of a culture that has difficulty in defining itself. Before being a regime, democracy is a culture of values. This study deals with democracy as culture and the barriers that prevent its transposition into postcommunist Romania. We will question the Romanian way of building itself as a society. The contribution of historical sociology and anthropology to the understanding of Romanian postcommunist political culture remains not only important, but crucial. It allows us to understand the differences between the main Romanian political parties: The Social Democrats (PSD) and The National Liberals (PNL) following European integration. Our study seeks to analyze the Romanian political culture as reflected in European culture, taking note of the difficulty of getting out of itself. A Europeanized and democratic Romania becomes more fictitious than ever. The Europeanization process does not improve the quality of the Romanian democratic exercise. Prisoner of its neo-communist elites who maintain a close link with their past, the Romanian political culture is built between continuity and change. Europeanization does not involve Romania in the transition from a communist regime to a democratic one, but from national communism to national democracy. Post-communist Romanian political parties imitate the European model. Their main goal is to give meaning to their political action. Yet, every moment does not mean imitation, but also innovation.

The thesis aims to analyze Europeanisation of party system in Bulgaria. In the introduction are presented the basic definitions and approaches to Europeanisation, which are used in the thesis as a theoretical basis. The basis for this analysis derives from the theory of Robert Ladrech, which examines the party programs, organizational structure, party system, relations between political party and government and reflects political parties beyond the party competition. The first part of thesis deals with the transition process and shows the development of party system since the fall of communism, including characteristics of various political parties that established themselves in democracy. The second part focuses on the relation between the European Union and Bulgaria. Main focus of this chapter is to present a short exposure of Bulgaria in the EU, an election to the European parliament and an analysis of political parties in the context of their attitudes towards European integration and European issues in their program. Framing previous information into the theoretical framework of Robert Ladrech is the last - analytical - part of the work. According to the last part it can be proved or disproved whether it has been Europeanisation of party system in Bulgaria established or not.

The 2015 refugee crisis clearly highlighted that the European asylum system is flawed and triggered a heated discussion on the functioning and appropriateness of the Dublin Regulation. The present research tries to account for differences in the implementation of the Dublin regime from its coming into force in 1997 until today, by testing the three possibly influencing factors 'misfit', administrative capacity and overall situation for Germany, Hungary and Italy. The comparative case study first ascertains that Germany implements the obligations to a medium to high degree, while Hungary presents a low and Italy a medium-low implementation record. The analysis of the single variables shows that the higher the compatibility between the national and the European asylum system at the moment of adhering to the Dublin system, the more diligently a country implements it. While no clear claims can be made if and how the administrative capacity of a state affects implementation, the economic situation does have an impact in the sense that a stronger overall state of the economy appears to have positive effects on implementation. The research is part of the general research framework of Europeanization and contributes to the scholarship on implementation. By shedding light on the factors leading to...

European integration has resulted in the emergence of political parties at the European transnational level. These parties are primarily consisting of members of the European parliament from various EU-member states. Thereby a substantial number of the MEPs today have two party memberships to adhere. This study aims to analyse the differences and similarities in the election manifestos of the Swedish party Moderaterna and the European People’s Party, examine the prevalence of the two concepts europeanization and eurocentrism between the two parties manifestos and investigate possible explanations stemming from the different concepts and the empirical study The europeanization of national political parties. Therefore said study consists of a comparative analysis of the manifestos in the categories energy, environment, integration and defense in order to highlight the differences and similarities. The result reveals that there are examples of both europeanization and eurocentrism in each manifesto in all categories. The results also made it clear that the two concepts and the empirical study could explain some of the differences and similarities pointed out between the two manifestos, but not all of them.

Immigration issues have dominated the political discourse of liberal democracies around the world in the 21st century. Recent elections in the United States and the Netherlands focused extensively on migrant flows, illegal immigration and migrant integration. Upcoming elections in France seem to be operating within similar parameters. These occurrences underpin a larger critique about the perceived failure of liberal democratic institutions to contend with immigration trends and successfully integrate migrants within their societies. Nowhere has this critique been more prevalent than within the public and political discourse of the European Union, the institution of focus for this paper. As the EU member states struggle to cope with their migrant issues, scholars are increasingly looking to the larger EU governmental structure to anticipate how the region will handle these challenges. Accordingly, much of the scholarly work done on subjects such as integration policy within the EU are mainly focused upon the perceived convergence of policy amongst member states. The intent of this thesis therefore, is to evaluate the validity of claims that migrant integration policy is converging amongst EU member states, and to explain why this may be the case. This was accomplished via a cross-comparison of policy outcome scores, (provided by the Migration Integration Policy Index), over time between EU-15 and EU-12 states. The convergence of policy in the EU is a topic that has been routinely addressed by scholars, but by examining the potential trends amongst the traditionally ignored EU-12 states, this thesis hopes to contribute to the academic discourse by providing a different perspective.

In this thesis I investigate the potentials for regional authorities to make use of Europe and discuss in what ways these efforts can initiate Europeanization of a top-down, horizontal, and cyclical nature. The empirical material that the analysis is based upon was gathered during my participant observation period at the City of Malmö EU office. Both working practically with European affairs and conducting interviews with other regional representatives provided me an opportunity to receive a first-hand experience of the way Swedish local and regional representatives are working to receive advantages from their presence in Brussels. The network governance concept is in the thesis introduced to explain how policy making is organized and in the light of these observations I reflect on to what extent the regional presence and activities in Brussels is leading to a process of Europeanization. The findings suggest that there are many ways in which the Swedish regional representatives are able to receive advantages from their presence in Brussels. The thesis also reveals various ways in which the regions become influenced by Europe, especially from participating in partnerships and networks that are making use of the EU as a platform for interaction and learning.

The purpose of this thesis is to deliver an integrated overview on the development of marketing in the Eastern European countries from the communist era to the present time and answer the main research question: How has marketing in the Eastern European countries changed from the communist era to the present time? In addition to this, three propositions are composed and further investigated.   The research philosophy of this thesis is based on a subjectivist ontological view and an interpretivist epistemological approach. The deductive research approach studies the research question, while adopting a qualitative research method. In addition, the practical research adopted for the purpose of this thesis is based on conducting multiple semi structured interviews with respondents, representing a diverse sample of firms. The firms are divided according to their country of origin, providing an inside and an outside view on the development of marketing in the Eastern European countries. At the same time, all the firms interviewed fulfill the criteria of being present on the Eastern European market. The final results are gained by the combination of the primary data, collected during the interviews, and secondary data, gained from a literature review undertaken by the authors.   The theoretical contribution of this thesis is represented by the empirical findings. They provide a complex overview on the most important political, economic, social and cultural changes in the Eastern Europe from the communist era to the present time, while linking them to the development of marketing within this selected geographical area.

Europeanization of substantive criminal law Petra Meinlová This master thesis is focused on the development of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters in the European Union and the Europeanization of particular crimes. The thesis is composed of four chapters. The introductory chapter defines basic terminology, the European Union with its powers, the European law and the main legal instruments with the effect on criminal law, and finally the part investigating the idea of Europeanization of criminal law. Chapter two focuses on the definitions of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters. The cooperation in criminal matters is very problematic in relation to the state sovereignty, second part of the chapter outlines the main features of this relation. Chapter three describes the evolutionary process through which the European Union has acquired the competence over criminal law affairs. The cooperation in criminal matters is relatively new field of the European integration. The original purpose of the European integration was the economic cooperation with the target of creation the common market, the founding Treaties of European Community did not refer to the criminal law. The idea of an "European judicial space" was first introduced in the 1970s. Until 1993 criminal law was an...