O objeto central desta dissertação foi o Movimento do Custo de Vida (MCV), também conhecido como Movimento Contra a Carestia (MCC), que pode ser considerado um dos maiores movimentos populares que emergiram, em São Paulo, no contexto das lutas pela redemocratização brasileira. Buscamos compreendê-lo como um movimento que teve sua hegemonia disputada por grupos que estiveram presentes com diferentes graus de influência ao longo de toda sua trajetória; contestando, assim, análises anteriores que identificaram uma apropriação do movimento por grupos externos a ele após 1978. Esta hipótese nos levou a estender o recorte temporal até então pesquisado, optando pelo intervalo 1973-1982 que, ao nosso ver, reflete também uma certa configuração comum de respostas possíveis à crise econômica vivenciada após o período do milagre. Utilizamos como fontes desta pesquisa extensa documentação produzida pelo MCV e entidades de apoio (panfletos; material de divulgação; boletins; revistas; quadrinhos; pesquisas de preço e opinião; cartas às autoridades); pela imprensa e, ainda, o material elaborado (mensagens; relatos de agentes infiltrados em reuniões e assembleias; informes; avaliações; dossiês) por agentes do Departamento Estadual de Ordem Política e Social de São Paulo (DEOPS-SP), juntamente com declarações oficiais de representantes que compunham o governo autoritário. Além da origem, composição e trajetória do MCV, este trabalho investigou também o imaginário construído por ele em sua documentação, bem como aquele que o Estado construiu a respeito do movimento. Entendemos que estas imagens orientaram as ações de cada um dos lados em uma relação marcada pela postura tríplice do Estado: entre a negação, a negociação e a repressão. / The present study focused on the Cost of Living Movement (Movimento do Custo de Vida: MCV) also known as Movement Against Famine (Movimento Contra a Carestia: MCC) considered one of the most representative popular movements to have emerged in Sao Paulo when the struggle for the democratization of Brazil was taking place. We attempted to understand the movements hegemony as being disputed within its own groups, whereas previous analyses have identified an ownership of the movement by external groups to it after the year of 1978. This hypothesis led us to extend the timeline that had been considered in preceding studies, as we made the choice to analyze the period from 1973 to 1982, thus, interpreting the movement also as one of the many responses to the economical crisis experienced in the rear of the Brazilian Miracle. The research sources include the vast documentation produced by the MCV and its supporting entities such as pamphlets, dissemination material, newsletters, magazines, comic books, pricing researches and opinion polls, and letters addressed to the authorities. We also considered documentation produced by the press and by agents from the DEOPS-SP (State Department of Political and Social Order, an important division of the military regime), which include messages, general meeting records made by undercover agents, evaluations and dossiers, altogether with official reports from members of the military government. This research investigated not only MCVs origins, membership and history but also the imaginary conceived by the movement about itself through its documenting, as well as the Governments perception about it, as we understand those images served as guidelines for the relationship between them, characterized by the States denial, negotiation and repression.

O objeto central desta dissertação foi o Movimento do Custo de Vida (MCV), também conhecido como Movimento Contra a Carestia (MCC), que pode ser considerado um dos maiores movimentos populares que emergiram, em São Paulo, no contexto das lutas pela redemocratização brasileira. Buscamos compreendê-lo como um movimento que teve sua hegemonia disputada por grupos que estiveram presentes com diferentes graus de influência ao longo de toda sua trajetória; contestando, assim, análises anteriores que identificaram uma apropriação do movimento por grupos externos a ele após 1978. Esta hipótese nos levou a estender o recorte temporal até então pesquisado, optando pelo intervalo 1973-1982 que, ao nosso ver, reflete também uma certa configuração comum de respostas possíveis à crise econômica vivenciada após o período do milagre. Utilizamos como fontes desta pesquisa extensa documentação produzida pelo MCV e entidades de apoio (panfletos; material de divulgação; boletins; revistas; quadrinhos; pesquisas de preço e opinião; cartas às autoridades); pela imprensa e, ainda, o material elaborado (mensagens; relatos de agentes infiltrados em reuniões e assembleias; informes; avaliações; dossiês) por agentes do Departamento Estadual de Ordem Política e Social de São Paulo (DEOPS-SP), juntamente com declarações oficiais de representantes que compunham o governo autoritário. Além da origem, composição e trajetória do MCV, este trabalho investigou também o imaginário construído por ele em sua documentação, bem como aquele que o Estado construiu a respeito do movimento. Entendemos que estas imagens orientaram as ações de cada um dos lados em uma relação marcada pela postura tríplice do Estado: entre a negação, a negociação e a repressão. / The present study focused on the Cost of Living Movement (Movimento do Custo de Vida: MCV) also known as Movement Against Famine (Movimento Contra a Carestia: MCC) considered one of the most representative popular movements to have emerged in Sao Paulo when the struggle for the democratization of Brazil was taking place. We attempted to understand the movements hegemony as being disputed within its own groups, whereas previous analyses have identified an ownership of the movement by external groups to it after the year of 1978. This hypothesis led us to extend the timeline that had been considered in preceding studies, as we made the choice to analyze the period from 1973 to 1982, thus, interpreting the movement also as one of the many responses to the economical crisis experienced in the rear of the Brazilian Miracle. The research sources include the vast documentation produced by the MCV and its supporting entities such as pamphlets, dissemination material, newsletters, magazines, comic books, pricing researches and opinion polls, and letters addressed to the authorities. We also considered documentation produced by the press and by agents from the DEOPS-SP (State Department of Political and Social Order, an important division of the military regime), which include messages, general meeting records made by undercover agents, evaluations and dossiers, altogether with official reports from members of the military government. This research investigated not only MCVs origins, membership and history but also the imaginary conceived by the movement about itself through its documenting, as well as the Governments perception about it, as we understand those images served as guidelines for the relationship between them, characterized by the States denial, negotiation and repression.

Uppsatsen undersöker två svenska socknar kring nödåret 1867. Syftet är att se de direkta och varierande konsekvenserna av en missväxt. Socknarna är Vilhelmina i Norrland och Döderhult i Småland och den avgränsade tidsperioden är 1865-1870. Undersökningen har gjorts utifrån församlingarnas kyrkoarkiv samt Statistiska Centralbyråns (SCB) befolkningsstatistik. Forskningsläget visar på varierande konsekvenser av nödåren 1867-1869 och ett tydligt samband med en ökad emigration till Nordamerika, men det finns ingen liknande jämförelse på mikronivå som detta arbete kan visa. I uppsatsen finns en översikt över Sverige på 1860-talet, missväxtåren samt en beskrivning över Vilhelmina och Döderhult. Stapeldiagram presenterar de två socknarnas födda, döda, utflyttade, emigrerade samt totala befolkningsmängd. Vad undersökningen kommer fram till är en negativ men icke dramatisk befolkningsutveckling som skiljer sig åt mellan de två socknarna, framförallt vad gäller emigrationerna. / This essay focuses on two swedish parishes before, during and after the famine in Sweden 1867. The purpose is to see the direct and varying impacts by crop failures. The parishes are Vilhelmina in northern Sweden and Döderhult in southern Sweden. The delimited period is 1865-1870. The study was made based on the parishes' church archives and statistics from Statistiska Centralbyrån (SCB). Previous research shows various impacts by the crop failures 1867-1869 and a clear relationship with the following mass emigrations to North America. But there is no previous comparison on a micro level and between these two different geographical areas which this essay has done. The essay gives an overview about the crop failures, Sweden in the 1860's and facts about Vilhelmina and Döderhult. Statistic bars display the number of deceased, born, expatriates, emigrants and total population. The conclusion of the study is a  negative but not dramatic evolvement of the populations, and with differences between the parishes, particularly regarding the emigrations

A collapsed North Korea would pose a momentous test to the future of the region. The five regional powers—South Korea, China, Japan, Russia, and the United States—are ill-prepared for such an event, partly because of the act of planning for it would upset North Korea. However, the potential challenges of a collapse are too great to ignore. This study presents an historical and political analysis of the increasing risk that North Korea may collapse. A comparison with earlier cases suggests that triggers and indicators of collapse can be identified, including increasing cross-border information flows, defections, and the possible death or incapacitation of North Korea’s leader. Further, the large and growing economic disparity between North Korea and its neighbors, South Korea and China, points to likely consequences of collapse, including possible mass migration. The study then examines the roles of South Korea, China, the U.S., Japan, and Russia in the future of the Korean peninsula; it concludes with a further consideration of the paradox of collapse planning, but argues that it would be better to run the risks entailed in the exercise than to be caught flatfooted when a collapse occurs. The analysis is based on interviews, surveys, and documents in English and Korean. / text

The humanitarian crisis in Yemen is a man-made famine. The concept of famine crimes has been introduced to problematise and criminalise conduct that leads to the creation of famine. According to an analytical framework proposed by Marcus (2003) there are four categories of famine crimes, which constitute four degrees of conduct through which famines are created, sustained or not prevented. A pivotal role in the creation of the famine in Yemen is played by Saudi Arabia, that relies on the import of military equipment to conduct a military intervention in Yemen. Through Common Position 2008/944/CFSP, the European Member States committed themselves to eight criteria against which arms licence applications are tested. This aims to prevent arms deliveries to questionable receivers, yet various EU Member States export military equipment to Saudi Arabia. In this thesis, the famine crimes framework is applied to foreign actors in a case study of the EU arms trade to Saudi Arabia between 2015 and 2019. The research project answers the question: what insights about the European Union’s role in the creation of famine in Yemen can be gained from the application of the famine crimes framework to the European Union’s arms trade to Saudi Arabia? Since Saudi Arabia violated international humanitarian law in Yemen and used EU-produced arms to do so, the Common Position requires EU Member States to pursue restraint in arms export to Saudi Arabia. Accordingly, the number of licences that were approved by European Member States, as well as their value, declined after 2015. However, there were notable fluctuations and the Member States adopted differing approaches. As such, the EU as a collective body appeared unable to prevent arms exports to Saudi Arabia. In the application of the famine crimes framework, it becomes clear that this inability can be interpreted as a famine crime.Altogether, this exploratory study provides insights into the role of foreign actors in the creation of famine by applying the famine crimes framework. Further research on the extent to which the EU as a collective body could enhance compliance with the Common Position and prevent exports to questionable receivers could be performed to better categorise its conduct within the framework. Further research could also explore the role of other foreign actors and apply the famine crimes framework to other case studies.

No description available.

Obesity prevalence continues to increase worldwide, yet few safe and effective treatment options are available suggesting there needs to be a greater emphasis on preventing rather than treating obesity. This research investigated the association of obesity predisposing SNPs and a gene score with nutrient consumption patterns including total energy intake and macronutrient distribution in a European ancestry population as well as discussing an evolutionary perspective on eating disorders using current epidemiological evidence to identify genes which may be involved. The association of two of the 14 obesity predisposing SNPs and the gene score with BMI was confirmed in the EpiDREAM population. Novel associations between two SNPs located in or near BDNF (rs6265 and rs1401635) were found with total fat, MUFA, and PUFA intake. Rs1401635 was also associated with total energy and trans fat intake. Novel associations of rs6235 (PCSK1) and the gene score were found with total energy intake. The novel associations found indicate that food related behaviours are one of the mechanisms of action through which obesity predisposing SNPs cause obesity and therefore warrant further investigation. The lack of association among all genes and the modest association of the gene score show that mechanisms other than food consumption are important. The investigation of the evolutionary history of eating disorders revealed that the adapted to flee famine hypothesis is a plausible theory explaining anorexia nervosa while the thrifty genotype hypothesis provides a possible explanation for bulimia nervosa and binge eating disorder. These evolutionary theories can be applied to identify new candidate genes as well as phenotypic traits to investigate to better understand the genetic architecture of eating disorders. Understanding genes associated with disordered eating patterns may highlight future areas for obesity prevention. / Thesis / Master of Science (MSc) / A large percentage of the risk of developing obesity or an eating disorder (anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and binge eating disorder) is determined by genetics. For obesity, many genes have been identified as influencing risk, but the mechanisms through which the genes work are largely unknown. For eating disorders, gene identification efforts have been mostly unsuccessful and no mechanisms of action have been determined. In the first component of this thesis we found an association between previously identified obesity risk genes and food intake, specifically the total number of calories consumed per day and the percentage of calories from total fat and fat subtypes. These results support that food related behaviours are possible mechanisms of action which need to be further investigated. In the second half of the thesis we viewed eating disorder behaviours from an evolutionary perspective. We concluded that there are theories that possibly explain eating disorder behaviours including being able to live off of small quantities of food as well as binging. These evolutionary theories can be applied to identify new genes to study in the context of eating disorders as well as different definitions of eating disorders.

Famine and destitution stemming from the Second World War had spread across the European continent and parts of Asia by mid-1945. Recognizing the need for recovery and survival in those regions, President Harry S. Truman at the recommendation of several Cabinet members, summoned ex-President Herbert Hoover for advice on how the United States should proceed in offering aid beyond the earlier efforts of the United Nations Rehabilitation and Relief Administration and other relief sources. After an absence from the White House and official government participation for many years, Hoover readily provided crucial advice on addressing famine relief in Europe and Asia based on his previous humanitarian leadership during and after the First World War. Recognizing that further action needed to be taken, Truman asked Hoover, as Honorary Chairman of the Famine Emergency Committee (FEC), to go to Europe and Asia to personally assess the famine relief needs. Hoover and several colleagues travelled 50,000 miles to thirty-eight different nations from March and into June 1946 to witness and evaluate famine needs in the afflicted nations, or arrange for food supply resources from various other countries; making a second trip to a struggling Germany and Austria in 1947. This thesis initially examines the narrative of the period between Hoover's reentry into public service, as requested by Truman, and the chronicle of the FEC missions. At the same time, it considers the purposes of the FEC missions, from both Hoover's and Truman's perspectives, and despite differing political viewpoints, the efforts of the two leaders to merge their activities into a common goal. The aim, amid early Cold War challenges, was to encourage both freedom and democracy in Europe and elsewhere, while sustaining free market economies and guarding against the spread of communism. As Hoover focused his efforts on American based humanitarian aid through the mechanism of food relief to promote economic prosperity, stability, and political freedoms, Truman endeavored to protect democracy as expressed in the Truman Doctrine. Both standpoints coalesced in a synthesis of anti-communism, global stability, and U.S. geopolitical interests. This thesis also will analyze the friendship that developed between Hoover and Truman during the FEC missions. This helped lead to further collaboration between the two leaders, as the President asked the ex-President to assist in the creation of the First Hoover Commission, leading to a Second Hoover Commission under President Dwight D. Eisenhower. Despite ongoing political dissimilarities and occasional disagreements, the friendship of Hoover and Truman strengthened and endured for the remainder of the lives.

Cette thèse de doctorat est consacrée à l’étude de l’un des tabous majeurs des sociétés humaines : la consommation par un individu de la chair ou de toute autre substance issue de ses semblables, autrement dit l’anthropophagie (ou cannibalisme). Selon une approche inédite, la problématique a été abordée dans toute la diversité de ses manifestations, au travers d’une documentation très variée, tant textuelle qu’iconographique, dans le cadre de l’Antiquité grecque et latine et au sein du Moyen Age occidental (latin surtout). L’objectif de la recherche était de mettre en évidence les pratiques, les discours et l’imaginaire d’un comportement alimentaire radicalement étranger aux normes culturelles des périodes et des lieux envisagés. Le plan de la thèse est conçu comme un parcours débutant et s’achevant aux confins du monde (le cannibalisme de « l’Autre »), tandis que le cœur du travail est consacré au cannibalisme de « l’intérieur », celui des affamés et des marginaux surtout. Tout naturellement, l’attention se focalise d’abord sur Homère et la confrontation d’Ulysse avec le Cyclope, qui installe dans la tradition l’imaginaire du pasteur des confins du monde, grand amateur de chair humaine. Hérodote, quant à lui, construit l’image d’un monde connu dont les frontières sont occupées par des peuples qui apprécient bien souvent la chair humaine. Là encore, le pasteur nomade est synonyme de sauvagerie. Une telle tradition perdure chez les auteurs latins antiques et médiévaux, qui reprennent à leur compte les anciens anthropophages en les déplaçant parfois, en les multipliant éventuellement. Mappae mundi médiévales, récits de voyage et descriptions du monde maintiennent dans les siècles qui suivent les mangeurs de chair humaine aux marges du monde, là où Colomb s’attendra plus tard à les trouver. Le rôle du cannibalisme en tant que marqueur d’altérité trouve un écho très fort dans la marginalisation de certains groupes ou individus au sein même des sociétés antiques ou médiévales. A notamment été développé le cas des accusations de cet ordre portées contre les premiers Chrétiens. Le danger représenté par le franchissement de la norme fait naître par inversion des pratiques ou des croyances qui visent à exploiter les potentialités curatives ou « magiques » de la consommation de substances humaines : en témoignent le controversé cannibalisme médical ainsi que le matériel offert par les pénitentiels médiévaux. Un bref chapitre s’attache à un autre genre de comportements en marge : des scènes de cannibalisme censées avoir constitué le point culminant d’épisodes de violence collective. Une grande attention a été accordée au cannibalisme de survie, le recours à la chair humaine comme nourriture de substitution en période de famine. Le passage de l’incompréhension antique face à un comportement indigne de l’homme à l’assimilation par la pensée chrétienne de ce type de cannibalisme à un fléau divin a été largement traité. La longue tradition médiévale des récits, issus de Flavius Josèphe, relatant la consommation d’un enfant par sa mère au cours du siège de Jérusalem a permis de démontrer la force de la présence du thème du cannibalisme dans l’imaginaire médiéval en tant que sanction divine. Une ample documentation a pu être réévaluée à la lumière de ce constat, ce qui a notamment permis de montrer de quelle façon l’évocation du cannibalisme pouvait être instrumentalisée afin de signifier la présence d’une sanction divine.

My diploma thesis is mainly concentrating on analyses of relationships between English (British) and Irish people from the time when the 'Great Famine' just past until the First World War. It aims to highlight the key events and analyses it is impact on both countries relationship to each other. Since 1801, when Ireland had become a part of Great Britain and the relations between the Brits (English) and Irish narrowed down by joining these countries. The famine in large scale has very negatively affected their relations and since then the Irish tried to gain more and more independence of the authorities in their country, and above all re-establish the Parliament of Ireland. Their actions were supported and represented by resistance organisation 'Home Rule', which Irish nationalists were tightening to with hope. Since seventies of 19th century Irish parliamentarians was urging demands in order to self- administrate on own parliament soil. The Home Rule Bill, which was also promoted by British Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone, was however two times disapproved by the parliament. Only in 1914, after restriction the right of veto of the House of Lords by Parliament Act 1911, the Irish Home Rule Bill passed. However, unfortunately for the Irish, the beginning of the First World War intercept it is...