This study of civil-military relations treats the parallel development of: a.) the professional soldier and the Prussian- German army in the era from 1806 until 1945, as well as; b.) the rise of nationalism in central European politics and society, which culminated in the union of the professional soldier and National Socialism after 1933. These two political phenomena of modern Europe, in the first instance, the army, and in the second instance, voelkisch nationalism became a deadly combination in the Germany of the era 1914-1933. The abdication of the monarchy in 1918 forced the professional soldier to look for a substitute sovereign, who would insure the survival of the privileged role of the soldier in republican state and society. This study provides case studies of civil-military episodes in German history from 1806-1944, where civilian control and liberal oversight of the aristocratic military structure might have been possible, but liberal and socialist forces squandered the opportunities at hand. This study counter poses episodes of civil-military conflict in the Prussian German past, with an analysis of the origins and character of integral nationalism and National Socialism. In particular, the study analyzes the ideological effort to influence the Reichswehr during the Weimar Republic. The missed civil-military opportunities for democratic forces in the 1920s resulted in the culmination of political, military, and socio-economic conditions ideal for the National Socialists in their quest for power. This failure of important political-military reform set the stage for interwar cooperation between military and the Nazis. The National Socialists wanted to make the army an instrument of power via a â bottom upâ revolution to subjugate the military command structure. This study speaks to this historical series of case studies within the general analysis of democratic civil-military relations. The failure of liberal and later democratic forces to integrate the military into constitutional mechanisms stands as one of the more grievous catastrophes of the story of the soldier and the state.

Since the Swedish Democrats established in 1988, debates and discussions have occurred regarding the party's ideological foundation and affiliation. This study is based primarily on a qualitative textual analysis, an idea- and ideology analysis and ideal types. The study's purpose is to discover which of the following political ideas and ideologies; fascism, populism, conservatism and socialism are most prominent in the Swedish Democrats election manifesto (2014) respectively principle program (2011). At my disposal, the study consists of two research questions; To what extent are there general features of socialism, populism, fascism and conservatism in the Swedish Democrats principle program respectively election manifesto? Which ideology is more prominent in the principle program respectively election manifesto? The theoretical section summarises the different ideologies central themes/discussions and view of democratic governance, the nation, the economic system respectively international governance. When conducting the analysis, the focus is on the Swedish Democrats central themes/discussions and view of democratic governance, the nation, the economic system respectively international governance and how the party's views relate to the political ideologies and ideas. The conducted analysis reveals features of all four ideologies, especially conservatism and populism.

L’apparition et la montée du fascisme en Italie sont des faits marquants du XXe siècle et plus précisément de l’entre-deux-guerres. Ce nouveau phénomène social a rapidement attiré l’attention de la communauté internationale. Il vient frapper les mentalités européennes dans le contexte de sociétés déjà polarisées par divers courants idéologiques. La Première Guerre mondiale a fait place à de fondamentales divergences d’opinions sur ce que devait être le futur, autant social qu’économique, des sociétés industrielles. S’étant imposé en Italie, le fascisme représente un de ses mouvements. Ce travail s’intéresse à la manière dont la société française a perçu la montée du fascisme italien. Pour ce faire, il retrace l’approche de plusieurs journaux français de 1919 à 1926 à l’égard de l’expérience italienne. L’analyse des grands journaux Le Temps, L'Humanité, Le Figaro et L'Action française permet un survol de l’opinion politique en France. La problématique avancée dans ce travail nous aide à en apprendre plus, non seulement sur l’apparition d’un phénomène majeur du siècle précédent, mais aussi, plus précisément, sur le regard porté sur lui par les grands courants politiques français. On a pu déceler plusieurs thèmes de prédilection abordés par la presse française. Premièrement, celle-ci a tenté de définir le fascisme, son origine et sa composition ainsi que le phénomène de la violence qui touchait la péninsule. Puis, le fascisme ayant accédé au pouvoir, elle a réfléchi sur le coup de force et ses répercussions. Finalement, elle a analysé la politique intérieure et extérieure du nouveau régime. Il en ressort une perspective unique grâce à l'analyse de quatre organes majeurs qui représentent et façonnent l'opinion publique en France. Notre analyse montre que le fascisme est un sujet préoccupant pour les contemporains par son caractère nouveau. Tous les journaux ont suivi l'évolution de ce mouvement avec attention. Les réactions en témoignent: ce fut, entre autres, l'exemple frappant d'une répression brutale pour les uns et l'émergence d'une idéologie susceptible de mettre fin à la terreur du bolchevisme pour les autres. Ce fut aussi un terrain d'affrontement idéologique. / The emergence and rise of fascism in Italy is a striking moment of the XXth century and more specifically of the interwar period. This new social phenomenon quickly attracted the attention of the international community. It influenced European mentalities greatly in the context of societies already polarised by different ideological trends. The First World War was followed by a period of divergent opinions on what should be the social and economic future of industrial societies. Fascism represents one of those movements that managed to impose itself in Italy This thesis examines the manner in which French society perceived the rise of Italian fascism. To that end, it retraces the narrative presented by major French newspapers from 1919 to 1926 when faced with the Italian experience. The analysis of the dailies Le Temps, L'Humanité, Le Figaro and L'Action française provides an overview of political opinion in France. The inquiry conducted in this dissertation allows us to learn more not only on the emergence of a major phenomenon of the past century but also, and more precisely, about the reaction to it by the main political trends in France. Several themes were taken up by the French press. First, it tried to identify fascism, its origins and composition and the phenomenon of violence that emerged in Italy. Then, once fascism was in power, it reflected on the seizure of power, followed by an analysis of both interior and foreign policy of the new regime. A unique perspective comes out of this study thanks to the analysis of four of the major organs that represent and help create public opinion. It shows that fascism, as a typically new phenomenon, was a subject of preoccupation for contemporaries. All of the dailies followed its evolution closely. It was, for some, the example of a brutal repression, among other things, and, for others, the emergence of a new ideology capable of ending the terror of bolshevism. It was also an issue for ideological confrontation.

This thesis called "Americana. American Myth in the Italian Interwar Literature" describes and analyses the anthology of American literature Americana that was prepared in 1940 by Italian writer and translator Elio Vittorini. It also focuses on the impact of fascist rhetoric and ideology on Italian interwar literature and official approach of fascist Italy to the USA. The initial part describes life and work of Elio Vittorini, mentioning also the influences that inspired him in his work and his motivations to compile the whole anthology. The next chapter of this part briefly presents other translators who contributed to Americana. The middle part of the thesis describes formation of the fascist regime in Italy and its impact on the Italian culture, focusing mainly on journalism and literature. It describes not only the creation of censorship itself but also paradoxes that went together. In the end of this part we can read about the struggle of Elio Vittorini and Bompiani Publishing House to publish Americana. The core of this thesis, however, is an analysis of both versions of Americana, the original version of Elio Vittorini as well as the censored version with the foreword by Emilio Cecchi. The beginning of this part outlines the birth of the American myth in Italian literature itself and then the...

The subject of this thesis is The Romance of Ferrara which includes the majority of prosaic work of Giorgio Bassani, one of the most outstanding Italian writers of 20th century. The introduction shows historical and social context of the period in which Bassani grew up and that gave rise to his life philosophy. Without this experience he would never have become a writer and his moral obligation to take down all the truth is based on this fact. The jewish origin of Bassani plays also an important role in his oeuvre; the judaism includes a sense of exceptionality and marginalisation at the same time. This ambivalent feeling is characteristic for majority of Bassani's heroes. The central part of the thesis outlines the thematic and stylistic site of The Romance of Ferrara. We will map even the relationship between the narrator and the author himself, between fiction and reality. The last two chapters concern Ferrara, symbology of the space (vertical and horizontal as well) and the location of characters on the stage of this microcosmos. We will follow characters on their way through Ferrara and will study which role different places are playing within the Bassani's work.

<p>While Italian art of the twentieth century is usually associated with either the avant-garde practices of Futurism or the classicism of Fascist visual culture, the Italian modernists' complex engagement with concepts of the ‘Baroque’ has yet to be explored. Through an extensive analysis of paintings, sculptures, publications, collecting practices, and exhibitions, my dissertation addresses this lacuna by investigating how the Baroque was discursively constructed and visually represented in Italian modernist artistic and cultural debates between 1880 and 1945. I study how artists and critics such as Umberto Boccioni, Giorgio De Chirico, Adolfo Wildt, Lucio Fontana, and Roberto Longhi championed or disparaged the Baroque in the context of heated debates over the import of Italy’s rich cultural heritage, its status in modern Europe, and the potential role of avant-garde art as a catalyst for national regeneration. In contrast to previous scholars I argue that the development of modern art in Italy was actively shaped by cultural perceptions about the Baroque. My dissertation therefore sheds new light on the role of style in the cultural politics of Italy, which in turn will transform our understanding of visual culture in modern Italy, and of twentieth-century representations of the Baroque in art, literature, and aesthetics.</p> / Dissertation

Durante o Estado Novo, muitas instituições escolares e professores foram intensamente vigiados. Como a educação escolar se constituía como um dos mais importantes pilares do projeto de construção de uma nacionalidade brasileira, tudo que pudesse romper com esse ideal deveria ser contido. Este trabalho versa sobre o processo de intervenção para a nacionalização e de acusação de disseminação do credo político fascista proferido a professores, funcionários e diretores do Instituto Médio Ítalo-Brasileiro Dante Alighieri, localizado nos arredores da Avenida Paulista em São Paulo, que ocorreu após a declaração de apoio do governo brasileiro aos Aliados no decorrer da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Para isso, são consideradas as primeiras fases da história da instituição que antecedem o período de intervenção, as cerimônias e os símbolos cultivados pela comunidade escolar, as acusações e táticas de defesa contidas nos prontuários policiais e, por último, as ações relativas aos livros que compunham a biblioteca. Ao longo dos capítulos, são abordadas as formas de identificação do projeto educativo da instituição, destacando o momento em que passaram a se contrapor duas propostas nacionais: de um lado, a Itália de Mussolini e a propaganda fascista; e, de outro, a política de Vargas na tentativa de construção da nacionalidade brasileira. / During the New State (Estado Novo), many educational institutions and teachers were intensely surveilled. Once school education constituted one of the most important pillars of the project of construction of a Brazilian nationality, everything that could be able to break this ideal should be refrained. The following work describes the process of intervention for the nationalization as well as the accusation of fascism dissemination suffered by the teachers, the employees and the principals of the Instituto Médio Ítalo- Brasileiro Dante Alighieri, institution located in the surroundings of Paulista Avenue, in the city of Sao Paulo. Such things happened after the statement of support made by the Brazilian Government to the Allies throughout the Second World War. The discussion held in the present work is based on the first phases of the history of the institution which precede the intervention period the ceremonies and the symbols cultivated by the scholar community, the accusations and the defense tactics present in the police reports, and finally the actions related to the books that composed the library. Throughout the chapters, the ways of identification of the educational project are addressed, highlighting the moment the two national proposals started to oppose one another: on the one hand the Italy of Mussolini and the fascist propaganda, and on the other, Vargas policies, in an attempt to build the Brazilian nationality.

A presente pesquisa de mestrado procura analisar o conteúdo de discursos de lideranças políticas de direita, com o intuito de averiguar seu potencial de mobilização nos espectadores. O que inclui investigar se as técnicas utilizadas atualmente se assemelham, de alguma forma, com as quais Adorno menciona em seu texto \"As Palestras Radiofônicas de Martin Luther Thomas\". Além de Theodor W. Adorno, também se utilizou da teoria de Sigmund Freud e Siegfried Kracauer. Um segundo objetivo, que contribui com o primeiro, é a análise da montagem, edição e decupagem desses vídeos, justamente para ver como esses processos e os enquadramentos contribuem com essa mobilização. O método utilizado é a análise de estímulos. Os materiais são vídeos de propagandas políticas atuais de políticos que ocupem um lugar no imaginário do povo brasileiro. A escolha por vídeos se deu por conta da propaganda conservadora utilizar, principalmente, da imagem e da propaganda. Ou seja, o objeto é intrínseco ao objetivo e ele faz parte do método / The present master\'s research seeks to analyze the content of speeches of political leaders of the right wing, with the intention of ascertaining their potential of mobilization in the spectators. This includes investigating whether the techniques currently resemble, in some way, with what Adorno mentions in his text, \"The Martin Luther Thomas Radio Lectures.\" In addition to Theodor W. Adorno, it was also used the theory of Sigmund Freud and Siegfried Kracauer. A second objective, which contributes to the first one, is the analysis of the editing and decupage of these videos, precisely to see how these processes and the frameworks contribute to this mobilization. The method used is the analysis of stimuli. The materials are videos of current political propaganda of politicians who occupy a place in the imaginary of the Brazilian people. The choice for videos was due to conservative propaganda mainly using image and advertising. That is, the object is intrinsic to the goal and it is part of the method

Este trabalho tem por objetivo estudar um conjunto de obras de diferentes tipologias e autores localizados na cidade São Paulo que se vinculam ao movimento moderno italiano do Novecento. Sendo usualmente chamada pela historiografia de \'arquitetura de inspiração fascista\' estas obras, apesar de terem papel central na formação da paisagem paulistana, são pouco contempladas nos estudos da arquitetura. Assim, para uma melhor compreensão de suas premissas projetuais e compositivas, que apresentam aspectos da tradição mediterrânea, se faz necessário um resgate e uma investigação sobre seu cenário sócio-político que foi indissociável ao surgimento de governos de ditatoriais. / This work aims to study a set of works of different typologies and authors located in the city of São Paulo that are linked to the modern Italian movement of the Novecento. Usually called by the historiography by \'fascist-inspired architecture\', these works, although central in the formation of the landscape of São Paulo, are slight contemplated in architectural studies. Thus, for a better understanding of its design and composition premises, that present aspects of the Mediterranean tradition, it is necessary a recover and an investigation of its socio-political scenario that was inseparable from the emergence of dictatorial governments.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-06-23T12:56:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Paulo Afonso L. Marmentini.pdf: 2178107 bytes, checksum: 61d4347a6ff8ea3b5095afc333a6380a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-23T12:56:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paulo Afonso L. Marmentini.pdf: 2178107 bytes, checksum: 61d4347a6ff8ea3b5095afc333a6380a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-28 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo principal analisar a divulgação e a representação do fascismo nas páginas do Il Giornale dell’Agricoltore, periódico de circulação semanal entre os anos de 1934 e 1938, com sede no município de Caxias, Rio Grande do Sul. Procurou-se identificar alguns atributos estruturais do fascismo que possam, intencionalmente, ter sido explorados com mais ênfase que outros no intuito de divulgar e propagandear a ideologia fascista entre colonos, pequenos proprietários de terra de origem italiana no Rio Grande do Sul. Buscou-se ainda estabelecer um paralelo entre a política externa italiana com relaçao a seus cidadãos no exterior, bem como a política dos consulados italianos e demais órgãos de difusão do fascismo no exterior, como fasci all’estero, dopolavoro, associações e escolas, e o noticiário do jornal, de modo a identificar também as manifestações do fascismo na região da serra gaúcha. Com isso, pode-se estabelecer que o eixo da propaganda fascista no jornal girava em torno da divulgação de uma imagem idealizada de uma Nova Itália, modernizada e unida em torno de seu líder; do reforço da italianidade, associada diretamente ao fascismo; e da representação do agricultor como elemento catalisador das qualidades relacionadas à italianidade. Pode-se identificar também o período relativo à questão ítalo-abissínia como o auge da propaganda do fascismo, apresentando a Itália de Mussolini como país símbolo da civilização em contraponto à barbárie africana. / The present research aims to analyze the divulgation and the representation of Fascism on the pages of Il Giornale dell’Agricoltore, a weekly periodic which was published from 1934 to 1938 in Caxias do Sul, in the State of Rio Grande do Sul. With this purpose, it was tried to identify some structural attributes of Fascism that could, intentionally, have been explored with more emphasis than others, with the purpose of spreading the fascist ideology among local settlers, owners of small properties in Rio Grande do Sul who had come from Italy. It was also tried to establish a parallel between the Italian foreign policy regarding Italian citizens living abroad, and the policy of Italian Consulates and other agencies that diffused Fascism abroad, like fasci all’estero, dopolavoro, associations and schools, and the news from the newspaper, in order to identify the manifestations of Fascism in the Northeast of the State of Rio Grande do Sul. With this, it could be confirmed that the target of fascist publicity in the newspaper was to propagate an idealized image of a New Italy, modern and united around its leader; the strengthening of the Italian patriot feeling, directly associated with Fascism; and the representation of the farmer as a catalyst of the qualities related to the Italian patriot feeling. It was also possible to identify the period related to the Italian-Ethiopian War as the pinnacle of fascist publicity, presenting Mussolini’s Italy as the country symbol of civilization, in a counterpoint to the African barbarism.