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No / As the ‘War on Terror’ evolves into the ‘Long War’ against Islamo-fascism, it demands an enduring commitment to ensuring the security of the United States and its allies. This policy is based on the requirement to maintain control in a fractured and unpredictable global environment, while paying little attention to the underlying issues that lead to insecurity. It is an approach that is manifestly failing, as the continuing problems in Afghanistan and Iraq demonstrate. Moreover, ‘control’ implies the maintenance of a global order that focuses on power remaining in the hands of a transnational elite community, principally focused on North America and Western Europe, but extending worldwide. This elite largely ignores socio-economic divisions and environmental constraints, and sees continuing stability as being best achieved by the maintenance of the status quo, using force when necessary. This collection of essays by Professor Paul Rogers argues that this post-Cold War security paradigm is fundamentally misguided and unsustainable. It concludes with two new essays on the need for a new conception of global security rooted in justice and emancipation. Global Security and the War on Terror will be essential reading for students and scholars of security studies, the Cold War, international relations and development studies.

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Donald Trump tog världen med storm när han deltog i det amerikanska presidentvalet och sedermera blev vald. Uppsatsen undersöker om Donald Trump kan placeras på en fascistisk skala baserat på hans uttalanden i sex tal; samt hur det kristna stödet, som Donald Trump erhöll i valet, kan förklaras. Sex tal analyseras med basen i kvalitativ textanalys och kategoriseras i fem kategorier för fascism.   Det kristna stödet kan förklaras genom gemensamma värderingar, Lakoffs Strict Father morality, i kombination med rädsla. Rädslan över vad som ska hända med AFS med Hillary Clinton som president är stor, är en tung faktor för konservativa kristna att rösta på Donald Trump. Studien kommer fram till att Donald Trump kan klassificeras som semi-fascist då han delvis uppfyller de kriterier som studien grundar sig på. / Donald Trump chocked the world when he decided to run for president of the United States of America, and won. This study examines if Donald Trump may be placed on a fascist scale based on his statements in six speeches; and how the Christian support, that he received, may be explained. The speeches have been analysed based on a qualitative text analysis and been categorized in to five categories of fascism.   The Christian support may be explained by common values; Lakoff’s Strict Father morality, in combination with fear. The fear for what may happen to the U.S. with Hillary Clinton as president has a big impact on why conservative Christians voted for Donald Trump. The conclusion of this study is that Donald Trump can be classified as a semi-fascist as he partly fulfils the fascist criteria this study presents.

[pt] A Freedom House, instituição estadunidense, reportou 2019 como o décimo quarto ano seguido de recessão democrática mundial, uma crise que ressuscita a discussão acerca do conceito usado para denominar esses movimentos antidemocráticos. Muito se fala que eles seriam novas versões de um fascismo, a despeito de características distintas em cada manifestação. O semiólogo italiano Umberto Eco antecipou essa questão e criou um conceito que busca resolver essa problemática: Ur-Fascismo. O Ur-Fascismo é o fascismo que nunca acaba, que se reconstrói, se retrabalha, se adequa a cada época, dado seu caráter infinito. As distintas aparições do fascismo não se limitam à política da realidade: a política da ficção tratou de apresentá-lo de diversas formas. Partindo da discussão de uma base teórica sobre teoria política, em particular sobre o Ur-Fascismo, será possível perceber como a ficção tratou aparições e características desse fenômeno, tomando, para isso, dois objetos: Não vai acontecer aqui, de Sinclair Lewis, e Ele está de volta, de Timur Vermes. Assim, será possível trabalhar as idiossincrasias dos Ur- Fascismos dessas ficções, suas diferenças e similitudes, em consoante com as bases da teoria política e, no processo, expandir tanto o estado da arte sobre literaturas do Ur-Fascismo, quanto contribuir à discussão sobre um fenômeno político pouco compreendido. Por fim, encerra-se com uma discussão, a partir da ideia de vaga-lumes de Pasolini e Didi-Huberman, sobre a importância da arte, em especial a arte antifascista, na luta contra o Ur-Fascismo. / [en] Freedom House, an US institution, reported 2019 as the fourteenth year in a row of a global democratic recession, a crisis that resuscitates the discussion about the concept used to name these anti-democratic movements. Much is said that they would be new versions of fascism, despite different characteristics in each manifestation. Italian semiologist Umberto Eco anticipated this issue and created a concept that seeks to resolve this issue: Ur-Fascism. Ur-Fascism is fascism that never ends, that is reconstructed, reworked, adapted to each era, given its infinite character. The different appearances of fascism are not limited to the politics of reality: the politics of fiction tried to present it in different ways. Starting from the discussion of a theoretical basis on political theory, in particular on Ur-Fascism, it will be possible to perceive how fiction treated apparitions and characteristics of this phenomenon, taking, for this, two objects: It can t happen here, by Sinclair Lewis, and Look who s back, by Timur Vermes. Thus, it will be possible to work on the Ur-Fascism idiosyncrasies of these fictions, their differences and similarities, in line with the bases of political theory and, in the process, expand both the state of the art on Ur-Fascism literatures and contribute to the discussion on a little understood political phenomenon. Finally, it ends with a discussion, based on the idea of fireflies, developed by Pasolini and Didi-Huberman, about the importance of art, especially anti-fascist art, in the fight against Ur- Fascism.

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This thesis provides an examination of the emergence and development of Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists in the Midlands between 1932 and 1940. It charts the fascist presence in four major cities: Birmingham, Stoke-on-Trent, Coventry and Leicester. The BUF is the largest and most important fascist movement to have ever existed in Britain. Mosleyite fascism in the Midlands as a region has never before been investigated and represents a significant gap in the historiography of British fascist studies. Alongside affording valuable insight into Mosleyite fascism at the regional level, the study will illuminate further understanding of the BUF nationally. The fascist experience in the Midlands is used to test and contribute to arguments about the national movement in the secondary literature relating to three themes: (a) the social class composition of BUF membership; (b) the strength of BUF membership; and (c) the focus of BUF propaganda. Finally, four main areas generally recognised as the reasons for national failure are discussed to explain the long-term marginalisation of the BUF in the Midlands.

Initially an attempt is made to present an overview of the interpretations of the meaning of Fascism. In a presentation of the views of Renzo De Felice and Zeev Sternhell the opinions of the latter are highlighted. It appears that Stemhell's conclusions better explain Italian Fascism, as well as Nazism, although Sternhell has not extensively described Nazism. His conclusions can also be used to illustrate the fact that most characteristics of Nazism and Fascism were identical, something which De Felice denies. This also applies to anti-Semitism. Then follows an analysis of the origin of the Fascist ideology, and it is stated that this ideology, both in Germany and in Italy originated in the "frn-de-siècle crisis", the anti-positive climate which existed at the end of the 19th century. This climate included a reaction against what was regarded as "decadence". It is maintained that amongst a number of Italian and German intellectuals there existed a number of similar ideas, such as for instance contempt for monetary economy, pacifism, intellectualism, the calm bourgeois life, liberalism, democracy and socialism. In the same environments violence and youth started to be glorified, and finally the modern world was accused of being egotistical and without ideals. It is in this environment that the core of Nazi- Fascism is to be found, a core to which other elements were later added. In later chapters Fascist agricultural policy is discussed in relation to earlier Italian cultural tendencies which had placed great importance on agricultural society. It is pointed out that agricultural policy was an important part of the Fascist ideology. Finally Mussolini's ideas on this subject are described, and it is maintained that the myth of the citizen/small scale farmer/soldier in ancient Rome became, in all important aspects, a part of the agricultural ideology of Fascism. It is shown here that this idea is in harmony with the general philosophy of Fascism. Subsequently, an overview of corporativism and its predecessors in Italian history are presented. Here it is stated that corporativism was a corner-stone of Fascist ideology. Thereafter the basic principals of corporativism are described as well as its tangible contents, and some important suggestions for interpretation are presented. The role of corporativism during the short period that the Italian Socialist Republic existed, is also a subject for discussion. Although this republic was scarcely of any military, economic or political importance, it was not without interest from an ideological point of view, taking into consideration the ideas it presented concerning working life. Finally, in a chapter describing the International University of Perugia, the manner in which Fascist ideology was implemented in concrete situations within the educational sector is investigated. The public support for Fascism appears to have been almost unanimous, but at the same time mostly of a formal nature. If a general conclusion can be drawn from this study, it is that Fascism and its ideology were in reality only of minor importance to education at the university level. In the conclusion it is stated that, despite the obvious contradictions, Fascism had a relatively complete; ideology, which was quite closely related to Nazism. / digitalisering@umu