A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar a experiência japonesa e a aplicabilidade do conceito fascismo ao período compreendido entre a Grande Crise do fim dos anos 1920 e o fechamento total dos partidos e dos sindicatos. O caso japonês é, muitas vezes, tratado como desprezível, por se referir a uma experiência fora dos perímetros ocidentais e, também, traz consigo uma forma de esquivar-se de cada particularidade dentro de uma universalidade. O Japão, após a implantação do capitalismo em fins do século XIX, passa por diversas transformações orientadas pela mesma lógica de reprodução. A partir das distinções do caso japonês e de generalizações do conceito fascismo, foi possível perceber a unidade dos processos político-sociais. O resultado de uma arquitetura de dominação, desde a esfera social até os movimentos políticos da economia, foi exposto neste trabalho. / This study aimed to analyze the Japanese experience and the concept of \"fascism\" due the period between the Great Crisis of the late 1920s and the total closure of parties and unions. The Japanese case is often treated as negligible, because it refers to an out of the western perimeter, and also brings with it a way to dodge every particular within a universality. Japan, after the capitalism introduction in the late nineteenth century, goes through several transformations driven by the same logic of reproduction. From the Japanese case distinctions and generalizations of the concept of \"fascism\", it was possible to make out the unity of political and social processes. The result of an architecture of domination was exposed in this work, from the social sphere to the political movements of the economy.

There has been considerable debate within the field of Japanese intellectual history with respect to the influence of Nishida Kitarō (1870-1945) on the ideological foundations and philosophical justification of Japanese fascism. One of the most influential Japanese thinkers of the twentieth century and widely considered to be the father of modern Japanese philosophy, his contemporary relevance is considered to be at risk should these accusations be true. As such, contemporary scholars have attempted to show how Nishida’s philosophy was decidedly anti-fascist, and that he was in fact opposed to the actions of the wartime regime. However, as this thesis will argue, by considering Nishida’s philosophy within the larger historical context of global modernity one can see that his contemporary relevance lies in just that which allows one to consider his thought as fascist, his critique of modernity. Nishida was reacting to the transforming social and cultural landscapes that had followed the modernization of Japan initiated by the Meiji Restoration (1868). As a result, he attempted to posit a transhistorical ideal of Japanese culture, embodied concretely in the Emperor that could withstand the social abstractions of modernity. However, it was ultimately his failure to grasp his own conditions of possibility in the very modernity that he was critiquing that pushed his thought increasingly to the right, helping to fuel and legitimize the emerging fascist ideology.

After the Meiji Restoration of 1862, Western philosophy was imported and infused into Japanese culture and its intellectual climate. By the early 20th Century, Kyoto School philosophers and romantic authors sought to reaffirm Japanese culture, believed jeopardised by the hastened development of Western capitalist modernity. This movement became politically charged, and is not without fascist allegations. After the Second World War modernism again became a primary intellectual concern, as modernists and Asianists alike attempted to struggle with the idea of fascism in Japan. Works of Nishida Kitaro (1870-1945) and Watsuji Tetsuro (1889-1960), and the prewar contexts within which they were written, will be compared to the postwar thinkers Maruyama Masao (1914-1996) and Takeuchi Yoshimi (1910-1977). The purpose of this thesis is to examine how Japanese thinkers before and after the Second World War understood and responded to the global process of modernity, and how it relates to such political movements as liberalism and fascism.

I detta arbete undersöker jag hur den nationalsocialistiska organisationen nordiska motståndsrörelsen (NMR) legitimerar sin ideologi i sitt partiprogram. Jag använde en i huvudsak kvalitativ metod. Rent specifikt använde jag mig av en diskursanalytisk ansats, den så kallade diskurspsykologiska ansatsen som framförts av Margaret Wetherell och Jonathan Potter. Denna ansats fungerade som både mitt metodologiska och mitt teoretiska ramverk. Som teoretiskt komplement har jag även använt mig av Antonio Reyes teori om legitimeringsstrategier. I min analys kunde jag identifiera ett flertal diskursiva praktiker med vilka NMR legitimerade sin ideologi. Detta görs genom åberopandet av apokalyptiska framtidscenarior, användandet av en slags politisk korrekthet, delegitimeringen av rådande system, hänvisning till rationalitet samt bruket av en altruistisk och utopisk framställning av den egna ideologin.

The terror attacks in Oslo, July 22, 2011, executed by Anders Behring Breivik, showed the deadliest outbreak of political violence in Norway since World War II. After the subsequent apprehension of Breivik, discussions about his ideological positioning soon emerged. While Breivik was initially described as an Islamophobic, right wing-extremist, a few expert witnesses and scholars labeled him and his manifesto 2083: A Declaration of European Independence as fascist. Some analysts disagreed with such a categorization and argued that Breivik's views had little to do with fascism. Other commentators and academics partly agreed with the fascist label but added that Breivik's ideology differed from classical fascism in several ways.    The aim of this research is to examine whether the manifesto 2083 can be classified as fascist according to various established definitions and ideal types of fascism. In particular, this research draws on the theories, definitions, and ideal types of fascism of established scholars Roger Griffin, Stanley G. Payne, and Emilio Gentile to inform a content analysis of 2083.The study's relevance concerns the ideology of and behind certain violent political activism, and if fascism is undergoing a transformation which urges updates of established definitions of the phenomenon. 2083 is treated as an outlier or deviant case of fascism. This research finds that 2083 does fulfill several fascist criteria, and even concepts central to the ideal types. However, the results are at times ambiguous and open to further interpretation. Fascist concepts such as national rebirth, a glorification of violence, and religiously tinged activism are expressed in the manifesto, but crucial details regarding them remain unexplored or unspecified. 2083's violent strategies for achieving desired societal change have striking similarities with certain contemporary race radicalism; while descriptions of societal condition and utopian goals share certain fascism characteristics, but also resemble late 19th Century German revolutionary conservatism or proto-fascism. Thus, one might rather see 2083 as hybrid form of different, already existing, fascist ideological traits rather than a “new” form of fascism. / De terrorattacker som utfördes av Anders Behring Breivik i Oslo den 22 juli 2011 var det dödligaste uttrycket för politiskt våld i Norge sedan det andra världskriget. Snart efter Breiviks gripande började diskussioner föras om hans ideologiska uppfattning och politiska hemvist. Tidiga utlåtanden gjorde gällande att han var en islamofobisk högerextremist, men några expertvittnen hävdade att Breivik och hans manifest 2083: A Decaration of European Independence snarare var fascistiska. Vissa analytiker motsatte sig detta och påstod att Breiviks åsikter uppvisade få likheter med fascism. Andra kommentatorer och akademiker gav delvis medhåll till den fascistiska klassificeringen men menade att Breiviks ideologi på flera sätt skiljde sig från klassisk fascism. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka huruvida manifestet 2083 kan klassificeras som fascistiskt enligt olika etablerade definitioner och idealtyper av fascism. För att genomföra en innehållsanalys av 2083 används de teorier, idealtyper och definitioner av fascism som de etablerade akademikerna Roger Griffin, Stanley G. Payne och Emilio Gentile utarbetat. Studiens relevans utgår från diskussioner om ideologiers betydelse för vissa former av politiskt våldsam aktivism och om fascismen som ideologi genomgår förändringar vilka kan föranleda uppdateringar av dess definitioner. 2083 behandlas i detta sammanhang som ett kritiskt eller avvikande fall av fascism. Studiens resultat visar att 2083 uppfyller ett flertal kriterier för fascism och även vissa av de använda idealtypernas centrala koncept. Samtidigt är andra resultat tvetydiga och föranleder vidare diskussion. Fascistiska teman såsom en önskan om en nationell återfödelse, våldspositivitet och religiöst betonad aktivism återfinns i manifestet, men viktiga detaljer kring dem utvecklas inte eller förblir ospecificerade. De våldsamma strategier för samhällelig förändring som existerar i 2083 har klara likheter med vissa samtida former av rasradikalism, medan manifestets beskrivningar av det nuvarande samhällstillståndet och även dess utopiska framtidsvisioner på flera sätt påminner om fascistiska motsvarigheter. Samtidigt finns där också likheter med protofascism och radikalkonservatism från det sena 1800-talet. Därför kan 2083 betraktas som en hybrid av olika redan existerande former av fascism, snarare än som en "ny" sorts fascism.

Around the turn of the century 1800-1900, “youth” became an important concept in politics and society at large. Across Europe political parties and other groups founded their own youth organizations. This also occurred in Sweden. This study examines the fascist and national socialist youth movement Nordisk Ungdom (Nordic Youth), active 1933 until the early 1950s. Nordic Youth was part of the fascist party NSAP/SSS, also known as Lindholmsrörelsen (the Lindholm Movement). This study deals with Nordic Youth’s upbringing of the ‘New Youth’, an ideal youth sharing many similarities with the fascistic theory of the “New Man”. In their eyes, the Swedish youth were destined to become the protectors and defenders of both the nation and the future. The study also takes a closer look on Nordic Youth’s view on gender and the different ways boys and girls were to be raised according to their ideology. Furthermore, this study explores the role of youth in the ideological struggle Nordic Youth advocated for. This ideological struggle was intended to result in a new nation reborn from the ashes of the previous society.

Thesis advisor: Devin O. Pendas / This dissertation studies the cooperation and competition amongst various right-wing paramilitaries in the southeastern portions of German-speaking Europe. My work overturns stereotypical, teleological narratives that presume any far-fight German extremism inherently meant “the rise of Nazism.” Instead, I reveal a complex mosaic of far-right paramilitary men, whose allegiances to and rivalries with each other oscillated with shifting situational contexts across one of the most contested and chaotic borders in interwar Europe. Consequently, my research results open new possibilities for conceptualizing volatile twentieth-century borderlands as stemming not just from international conflicts but also from intra-national infighting. Paramilitary men on both sides of the Austro-Bavarian border considered themselves German, but they conceived of their “Germanness” in very specific terms: southeastern, Catholic, and Alpine in contrast to the northern, Protestant, and Prussian variant of Germandom. How did right-wing groups blend greater German nationalism with their southeastern German regionalism? The hybridization of these two loyalties created an intoxicating affective brew that brought together right-wing agents on both sides of this border in fraternal solidarity but also instigated fratricidal violence, all as these German groups sought to settle the question of what it meant to be German. National identities founded on southeastern regional impulses thus formed a constitutive contradiction of greater German nationalism. The intersectionality of regionalism and nationalism generated internecine right-wing violence, as these groups disagreed over how to implement disparate versions of unification. The result was twenty years of street brawls, assassinations, terror, Putsch attempts, mobilizations, and transborder smuggling of munitions, troops, and funds. This region was thus a paragon of borderlands conflict. The crux was that it was an intra-national borderland: to these activists, national union should have been so simple, making it all the more frustrating when it eluded them. The assumed common nationality meant any perceived dissident was not simply a political opponent but something far worse: a traitor. Paradoxically, the supposedly “agreed-upon” national identity exacerbated borderland chaos and violence. Historians of Eastern and Central Europe have falsely conflated borderlands with spaces between nations in which multi-national populations struggle among each other for hegemony. My work overturns such assumptions by offering the first analysis of European borderlands violence stemming from a perceived communal nationality. This project thus serves as a needed corrective to the scholarship, offering a richly informed regional analysis with significant interventions in the broader fields of borderlands and right-wing extremism. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

This thesis work is a discussion on the relations between architecture and ideologies. Architecture possesses the unequivocal social and cultural power to produce representations of political coexistence through exemplary forms of built reality. As such, Architecture becomes a tool of communication; it can manifest power and  embody ideologies.Throughout history we can observe how political ideas influenced our built reality. A period in which architecture became a crucial role in forming national identities, were the fascist movements in Italy and Germany. Still today, these ideas can be traced in form of buildings and architecture; a ‚problematic heritage‘ which has to be discussed. For my thesis project, the Congress Hall on the Nazi Party Rally Ground in Nuremberg served as a case study. A building which was constructed to manifest an abhorrent ideology, but also a building with greatest architectural qualities. The repulsive attitude towards Nazism cannot be challenged. However, the built heritage that manifests this attitude is still part of our built environment. This statement lead me to my thesis question; How can a building be freed from its subservient ideologies and forces, it was built for? A very sensitive and difficult question. Architecture, buildings and material can not be fascistic, but intentions can be. The only possibility to dissociate the building from the ideology it was built for, is to associate it with new ones. My proposal should not be understood as a final solution, but much rather as an opportunity to test new strategies and learnings. In the design process I took the freedom I have as a student; I tested totalitarian design methods, focused on the qualities of the building and studied the question of the autonomy of architecture.

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The thesis is comprised of four parts. The first, consisting of two chapters, challenges some generally accepted views about the 1930's as a whole and emphasises the change in political consciousness that occurred in the minds of ordinary people. The ideology of the B. U. F. is analysed in the context of the decade. The second part, consisting of five chapters, provides a detailed history of the B. U. F. in the North of England from the days of its precursor, the New Party, to the detention of the leading B. U. F. members in 1940- Much of the history of the movement is concerned with Manchester though attention is also paid to other areas in the North of England. The 1938 Manchester municipal elections also receive attention, because of the campaigns waged by the B. U. F. candidates. This is the first major regional study of the B. U. F. The third part deals with the ordinary membership of the B. U. F. in the North of England. The two chapters in this section assess previous judgements regarding B. U. P. membership and make use of interviews and unpublished manuscripts to provide the most detailed analysis of the membership of a British Pascist party. The final part of the thesis consistsq firstlyq of a detailed account of the reaction of the Jewish community, both nationally and in-thrighesterg to the anti-Semitism of the B. U. P., and, secondly, the attitude of the police, judiciary, local authorities and the government to the rise of the British Union of Fascists.