As fascist movements took hold across Europe in the 1920s and 1930s, there emerged a body of lyric poetry concerned with revolution, authority, heroism, sacrifice, community, heritage, and national identity. While the Nazi rise to power saw the deception, persecution, and brutalization of conservatives both in the Reichstag and in the streets, these themes resonated with fascists and conservatives alike, particularly in Germany. Whether they welcomed the new regime out of fear or opportunism, many conservative beneficiaries of National Socialism shared, and celebrated in poetry, the same ideological principles as the fascists. Such thematic continuities have made it seem as though certain conservative writers, including T. S. Eliot, Stefan George, and Hugo von Hofmannsthal, were proto-fascist, their work cohering around criteria consonant with fascist ideology. My dissertation, however, emphasizes the limits of such cohesion, arguing that fascist poetry rejects, whereas conservative poetry affirms, the possibility of indeterminacy and inadequacy. While the fascist poem blindly believes it can effect material political change, the conservative poem affirms the failure of its thematic content to correspond entirely to material political reality. It displays neither pure political commitment nor aesthetic autonomy, suspending these categories in an unresolved tension. Paul de Man's work on allegory hinges on identifying a reading practice that addresses this space between political commitment and aesthetic autonomy. His tendency to forget the immanence of history, however, is problematic in the context of fascism. Considering rhetorical formalism alongside dialectical materialism, in particular Adorno's essay "Lyric Poetry and Society," allows for a more rounded and ethical methodological approach. The poetic dramatization of the very indeterminacy that historically constituted conservative politics in late-Weimar Germany both distinguishes the conservative from the fascist poem while also accounting for its complicity. Fascism necessitated widespread and wild enthusiasm, but it also succeeded through the (unintentional) proliferation of political indifference as registered, for example, by the popularity of entertainment literature. While the work of certain conservative high modernists reflected critically on its own failures, such indeterminacy nonetheless resembles the failure to politically commit oneself against institutionalized violence and systematic oppression.

Este trabalho coloca questões que não são correntes nos Estudos Organizacionais (EOs). Propõe pensar a constituição do sujeito, sua relação com a ideia do governo de uns sobre os outros e como tornar a vida mais bela. Para isso, invoco o pensamento filosófico de Michel Foucault para auxiliar na mirada sobre o campo, problematizando a subjetividade, a constituição do sujeito na modernidade. Lanço mão da noção foucaultiana de governamentalidade, a forma como uns exercem o governo sobre os outros, colocando em questão a forma como as subjetividades se constituem nesse jogo. A forma que a vida assume, configura o seu êthos e, constituir-se eticamente exige um êthos belo, uma vida a se admirar, a tomar como exemplo. Por certo que, para que o indivíduo possa dar forma a sua vida, fazendo-a corresponder à sua verdade de sujeito, necessita, ele, exercer a liberdade. Daí afirmar que a liberdade seja condição ontológica para uma vida ética, e que seu impedimento se constitua em uma prática fascista. Proponho pensar isso em relação com o papel do intelectual como um agente envolvido na constituição de sujeitos, um indivíduo na condição de exercer um governo. Por isso, parto da ideia de que a subjetividade nos Estudos Organizacionais está relacionada a uma noção de conhecimento e verdade que implicam uma conduta ética enquanto prática da liberdade para sugerir que se problematize, que se coloque em questão, a prática intelectual. Considerando as formas de subjetivação descritas por Michel Foucault, sugiro refletir sobre como elas se apresentam nos Estudos Organizacionais e quais as implicações disso para o exercício da liberdade por parte dos sujeitos. Ao desenvolver o trabalho na forma de um ensaio, assumo não oferecer as respostas tranquilizadoras, porquanto me comprometo a fornecer subsídios pelos quais podemos considerar, analisar, cuidar, enfim, de nós mesmos como produtores e reprodutores de relações de subjetivação. / This thesis poses questions that are not common in Organizational Studies (OS). It proposes to think about the constitution of the subject, its relation to the idea of the government of someone over the others and how to make life more beautiful. For this, I invoke the philosophical thought of Michel Foucault to help in the field look, problematizing the subjectivity, the constitution of the subject in modernity. I use Foucault's notion of governmentality, the mode as someone govern others, calling into question how are constituted the subjectivities in this game. The form that life assumes molds its ethos, and to be ethically constituted demands a beautiful life, a life to be admired, to be taken as an example. Of course, in order for the individual to mold his life by making it correspond to his truth as subject, he needs to practice freedom. Therefore, to affirm that freedom is an ontological condition for an ethical life. I propose to think this in relation to the role of the intellectual as an agent involved in the constitution of subjects, an individual in the condition of exercising a government. Therefore, I start from the idea that the subjectivity in Organizational Studies is related to a notion of knowledge and truth that imply an ethical behavior as a practice of freedom to suggest that the intellectual practice be problematized. Considering the forms of subjectivation described by Michel Foucault, I suggest reflecting on how they present themselves in Organizational Studies and what the implications are for the exercise of freedom by the subjects. In developing the work as an essay, I assume that I do not offer the reassuring answers because I commit myself to provide subsidies by which we can consider, analyze, and ultimately take care of ourselves as producers and reproducers of subjectivation relations.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Giuseppe Rafael Caron.pdf: 996210 bytes, checksum: d414f8570be8251b4bfe4c4159e3e22e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-11 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This research, under the guidance of Prof. Dr. Antonio Pedro Tota, has as theme the ideology modification of Italian fascism from 1919 to 1922. The objective is to observe through Benito Mussolini's speeches the transformation of fascism before the seizure of power through of March on Rome. This work respond the following questions: Which led the Italian fascism to change in that short period of time? and What was fascism movement? As methodology was analyzed the speeches given by Duce in the years before the fascist government. The two of the leading historians of fascism, Renzo de Felice and Emilio Gentile together with Frances Speech analysis provided the theoretical basis for this research. As a result, we point out the need of fascism in negotiating with your audience, adapting to their realities, in addition, we can observe the increasing approximation of fascism with Italian culture / Esta pesquisa, sob orientação do Prof. Dr. Antonio Pedro Tota, tem por tema as modificações ideológicas do fascismo italiano entre os anos de 1919 a 1922. Seu objetivo é observar, por meio dos discursos de Benito Mussolini, as transformações que o fascismo estava sofrendo antes da tomada do poder através da Marcha sobre Roma. Este trabalho pretende responder às seguintes perguntas: O que levou o fascismo italiano a se modificar nesse curto espaço de tempo? e O que foi esse fascismo movimento? . Como metodologia foram analisados os discursos pronunciados pelo Duce nos anos que antecedem o governo fascista. O trabalho de dois dos principais historiadores do fascismo, Renzo de Felice e Emilio Gentile, associado às técnicas da Escola Francesa de Análise do Discurso, serviram de fundamentação teórica a esta pesquisa. Como resultado, apontamos a necessidade do fascismo em negociar com o seu público, adaptando-se assim a suas realidades. Além disso, iremos observar a identificação cada vez maior do fascismo com a cultura italiana

Luiz Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre: o teatro de resistência sob os regimes fascistas ibéricos tem como objetivo pesquisar e analisar a literatura dramática desses dois artistas e escritores contemporâneos, representantes de suas gerações literárias, que produziram peças originais, perturbadoras, mordazes, engajadas ideologicamente contra os regimes autoritários da península ibérica e, por esse fato, foram sistematicamente censurados. O trabalho tem como objeto a produção dramática de Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre entre os anos de 1944 e 1974, anos marcados pela repressão e censura do fascismo ibérico, assim como, pelo fim da segunda grande guerra, pela iminência da Guerra Fria, pela ameaça nuclear e pelo drástico cerceamento à liberdade durante os governos totalitários de Portugal e Espanha. Faremos observar alguns aspectos históricos, sociais e políticos da contínua decadência peninsular deste período, questões que aproximam ambos escritores ainda mais, e que enfaticamente influenciaram na formação dos temas, nas concepções artísticas e nas literárias dos dramas desses dois autores de povos vizinhos. Um panorama da vida e obra de cada autor, em seu respectivo contexto histórico, fez-se aqui necessário para vislumbrar o percurso realizado por cada um deles e o desenvolvimento de suas respectivas produções literárias. Testemunhas comprometidas com esse período fascista ibérico, Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre, ao término da II Guerra Mundial, no prelúdio literário de suas vidas, decidiram criar uma dramaturgia de vanguarda e resistência. Peças teatrais, frutos do inconformismo de uma época conturbada e repressora; obras características de um teatro que apostava em mudanças e, sobretudo, buscava alguma reação sinestésica de suas respectivas sociedades. / Luiz Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre: the theater of opposition under Iberian fascist regimes aims to research and analyze the dramatic literature of these two contemporary artists and writers, representatives of their literary generations, which produced original pieces, disturbing, spicy, ideologically engaged against the authoritarian regimes of the Iberian Peninsula, and this fact, systematically censored. The work is focused on the dramatic production of Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre between the years 1944 and 1974, years marked by the collective Iberian fascism, by the end of the Second World War, the imminence of the Cold War, the nuclear threat and the drastic curtailment of freedom during the totalitarian governments of Portugal and Spain. We will look at some historical, social and political decay of the continuous period of peninsular issues that bring both further and strongly influenced the formation of the themes of artistic and literary conceptions of the tragedies of these two authors of their neighbours. A wide panel of life and work of each author in their respective historical context, it was necessary to glimpse here the route taken by each of them and develop their literary productions. Witnesses committed to this Iberian fascist period, Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre, at the end of World War II, in the prelude of their literary lives, decided to create a vanguard and opposition theater. Plays, result of the nonconformity of a tumultuous and repressive time; works features a drama, which believed on changes and, especially, tried some synaesthetic reaction of their respective companies.

Right-wing nationalist parties are growing throughout the world. The French Front National, Hungarian Jobbik, Austrian FPÖ, Danish Folkeparti (People Party), Swedish Sverigedemokraterna (Sweden Democrats), and other nationalist parties set their stake in the ground and claim a new political agenda that is either populist or extreme and Fascist. A fledgling of Sweden Democrats is Alternativ för Sverige (Alternative for Sweden – AfS). The party aspires to enter the Swedish Parliament, and it disseminates opinions that seem to go in line with Fascist ideology. To get a better understanding of this newborn and growing political party, this study compared AfS’ ideology, as expressed through their policies, with the fascism ideology by carrying out a content analysis. The results showed that AfS’ policy is rather similar to Fascism, in terms of being ultra-nationalistic, elitistic, spiritualistic, corporativistic, and authoritarian. AfS diverged from the Fascism ideology on a few minor points only, primarily by accepting private ownership and state-independent enterprises. However, AfS may be hiding an agenda that is entirely Fascist.

This dissertation examines the fascist propaganda for children produced in Hitler’s Germany and the early years of Franco’s Spain. The central aim of this project is to identify the formation of fascist discourse and its construction of political “reality” (or what Kaja Silverman calls a “dominant fiction”) by German and Spanish propagandistic authors. I will also determine the extent to which the fascist thought formed in the works I am studying depends on the national context in which it appears. The fascist children’s literature produced in Germany and Spain provides a body of writing that will allow me to answer if there are literary elements specific to the historical moment and national context in which they were produced, or if fascist writing is the same from one country to the next. For the German context, I will begin by examining works written for children during the Weimar Republic (1918-1933). By placing works from Erich Kästner and Wolf Durian into a historical context, I read these books as cultural artifacts that express the views of their authors and reflect those of many democratic supporters of the Republic. Beginning with the first Nazi novels for children and youth that appeared in 1932, I proceed to trace the elements National Socialist authors chose to retain from their left-wing Weimar counterparts, and then put forth a model that explains the influence fascism had on children’s literature in Germany during this time. Once this model is established, I will compare and contrast this body of German writing with the children’s literature produced in Spain between 1939 and 1943, the immediate post-Civil War period, a time-frame that most historians view as the moment when fascist ideology flourished under the emerging Franquist regime. Taking the fascist children’s periodical Flechas y Pelayos (Arrows and Pelayos) as a case in point, I demonstrate the ways in which Franco’s government sought to nationalize the family unit in order to place the children of Spain in the service of the new regime. Finally, I conclude the project by synthesizing my findings of both fascist contexts as they pertain to the creation of “realities” in children’s literature and the subsequent formation of the role of the state.

Benito Mussolini constantly portrayed his regime as a protector of nationalism and the ultimate promoter in the re-discovery of Italian culture. The 1930s represent the highest involvement of the regime in cultural activities. Such events had the specific propagandistic goal of ingraining the idea of fascism as a solution to poverty and cultural disunity between north and south. An ongoing theme of propaganda was connecting fascism’s mission to the glory of the Italian past and of its most illustrious protagonists. The Duce and his followers built the idea of a new political establishment that legitimized its rule through a reassertion of the past. My study displays the regime’s involvement in Sicily as a sponsor of culture and national renovation through the reinterpretation of Italy’s most popular figures. Vincenzo Bellini’s centenary reveals the regime’s plans of achieving national unity between north and south in a culturally and economically divided Italy. With an emphasis on the history of the Risorgimento, I ultimately show the regime’s endeavor in forging cultural unification between north and south through the exaltation of a Sicilian figure. As fascists planned to invade Ethiopia in late 1935, Bellini’s centennial played a critical role in showing the regime’s commitment to modernization and the relevance of Sicily in the creation of a new Italian-Mediterranean empire.

The history of World War II has led many Americans to vie~ Benito Mussolini's Fascist Italy and Adolf Hitler's Nazi Germany as European variants of a single Fascist ideology. Ho~ever, in the early years of the Mussolini and Hitler regimes, the conceptual category of international Fascism was by not so well-established, particularly ~here the Nazis were concerned. American and British diplomats stationed in Germany in the early 1930s only occasionally interpreted the rising Nazi party as an offshoot of Fascism, but frequently referred to it as a possible form of or precursor of Bolshevism in Germany. Published and unpublished American foreign policy documents, published British diplomatic documents, and a wide array of secondary sources have contributed information showing how perceptions of Nazism and Bolshevism were influenced by matters that clouded the issues. The similarity of American and British views on the subjects of Bolshevism, Fascism, and Nazism can be attributed to the new understanding among the policy elites of the two nations as they became the leading status quo powers after World War I. The United States in particular had gone through tremendous organizational changes during and after the war, and was entering into a new era of professional and bureaucratized foreign policy that differed from its ad hoc diplomacy of the past. American foreign policy of the interwar period combined a strong interest in business expansion with a relative lack of desire for international political entanglements. American political commitments of the 1920s, particularly in Germany, were backed primarily by loans and investment, and through reparations revision plans designed by unofficial diplomats recruited from the private sector. As American financial commitments to Germany became more dependent on German repayment, and as the Depression tightened its grip, the rise of the Nazis became an ever greater source of alarm. This concern was related not only to their unclear and ill-defined political ideas, but to the threat they seemingly posed to financial stability -- a threat that increased their resemblance to the Bolsheviks in the minds of many diplomatic observers. Various other factors were important in developing the Anglo-American view of Nazism as related to Bolshevism. These included the almost obsessive intensity of anti-Bolshevism in the United States and Great Britain throughout the interwar period; the close association of Bolshevism with economic chaos in the minds of Anglo-American leaders, with a concomitant tendency to see Bolshevism developing wherever economic chaos occurred in Europe; and the strong admiration for Mussolini's Italy in both Britain and the United States, which precluded possibilities of seeing much in common between Italian Fascism and Nazism during this period. Some important sources of conceptual confusion were inherent in the policies of Germany's post-World War I Weimar Republic. Leading German diplomats and politicians of the republic, such as Gustav Stresemann, used Anglo-American fears of Bolshevism as a cornerstone of their policy to gain revisions and modifications of the harsh terms of the Versailles Treaty. In the early 1930s, the "Bolshevism bogey" was used by Ambassador Frederic Sackett, a political appointee of Herbert Hoover, to get Hoover's attention so that he would modify reparations policy in favor of Sackett's friend, the embattled Chancellor Heinrich Bruning. The internal factions of the rising Nazi party, including the left-leaning wing led by Gregor Strasser, appeared to give some credence to the idea that the Nazis could harbor communistic elements. After Hitler's rise to the chancellorship in 1933, American and British observers began to note more resemblances between the Hitler and Mussolini regimes. However, many of their earlier observations about the similarities of Nazism and Bolshevism have validity in terms of the more totalitarian nature of these regimes as compared to Italian Fascism and its other less extreme variants.

This dissertation, ""'Superior to all men': Violent Masculinity, Fascism, and American Identity in Depression-era American Literature,"" examines how American authors used modernist techniques and formal experimentation to recast the violent hero during the Great Depression. Using Richard Slotkin's work, I show how this revision of the hero contributed to a critique of frontier narratives, and the traditional, nineteenth-century socio-political ideals they maintained. The hard-boiled male was both a continuation of the hero's dedication to violent action and a subversion of the frontier as a narrative model for modern life. Despite his pulp origins, American modernists used the hard-boiled male prominently in literary critiques of American life throughout the thirties. With this figure, they expanded the experimentation of the twenties to a literary analysis of the national, economic, and political crises of the Depression, and in doing so their works questioned the roles of race and gender at the heart of American life and politics. The critique of heroic narratives gained particular focus with the rise of fascist politics abroad, and these authors increasingly suggested that such narratives produced and maintained proto-fascist discourses in American life. However, I argue that as the fascist threat grew prior to World War II, authors rehabilitated the frontier hero as a counter to fascism and in concert with democratic liberalism, the New Deal, and the Popular Front. I discuss texts by Ernest Hemingway, Dashiell Hammett, William Faulkner, Sinclair Lewis, John Steinbeck, and Richard Wright, as well as films directed by John Ford. / acase@tulane.edu

The aim of this paper is to answer three questions about Chuck Palahniuks novel Fight Club. The three questions were chosen because they were widely debated after the release of David Fincher screenplay based on the same book. The questions are: Is the critique on consumerculture offered in Fight Club valid? What does Fight Club say about the relation between man and woman? Can the work be considered fascist? The critique against consumer culture is found valid and not a disguised complaint about the feminization of society. The main female character Marla is vital for Jack as a blueprint for Tyler. Tyler and Marla are found much alike. The fascist tendencies are present in Tylers character but he can be seen as the protagonist Jacks created father. In the course of Jacks struggle for independence Tyler is doomed to be defeated, so the fascist attitudes can’t be said to be represented by Fight Club as a whole.