The main research question of this thesis is how history is used for political gain by the far-right in Finland. The aim is to study not only the use of history but, rather, specifically, the patterns of that use. Two theories have been utilized. The first is the far-right as a milieu, as presented by Colin Campbell in the cultic milieu theory, which would shed light on the fragmentation of the milieu. And the second is the waves theory by David C. Rapoport, which would shed light on the persistence of far-right violence and militancy through time. I have utilized Pieter Geyl’s analysis of the use of history in identifying patterns of use even though it is not considered a theory per my knowledge. Methods applied are content analysis, netnography, comparative and discourse analysis. Through the utilization of these theories and methods applied to the source material, I have found that the Finnish far-right uses history in six different ways, which are centralized around both the use of national history and the predecessor’s history.

<p>The aim of this paper is to answer three questions about Chuck Palahniuks novel Fight Club. The three questions were chosen because they were widely debated after the release of David Fincher screenplay based on the same book. The questions are: Is the critique on consumerculture offered in Fight Club valid? What does Fight Club say about the relation between man and woman? Can the work be considered fascist? The critique against consumer culture is found valid and not a disguised complaint about the feminization of society. The main female character Marla is vital for Jack as a blueprint for Tyler. Tyler and Marla are found much alike. The fascist tendencies are present in Tylers character but he can be seen as the protagonist Jacks created father. In the course of Jacks struggle for independence Tyler is doomed to be defeated, so the fascist attitudes can’t be said to be represented by Fight Club as a whole.</p>

After the Meiji Restoration of 1862, Western philosophy was imported and infused into Japanese culture and its intellectual climate. By the early 20th Century, Kyoto School philosophers and romantic authors sought to reaffirm Japanese culture, believed jeopardised by the hastened development of Western capitalist modernity. This movement became politically charged, and is not without fascist allegations. After the Second World War modernism again became a primary intellectual concern, as modernists and Asianists alike attempted to struggle with the idea of fascism in Japan. Works of Nishida Kitaro (1870-1945) and Watsuji Tetsuro (1889-1960), and the prewar contexts within which they were written, will be compared to the postwar thinkers Maruyama Masao (1914-1996) and Takeuchi Yoshimi (1910-1977). The purpose of this thesis is to examine how Japanese thinkers before and after the Second World War understood and responded to the global process of modernity, and how it relates to such political movements as liberalism and fascism.

This essay provides a comparison of Trump’s rhetoric to fascist and populist ideology through an analysis and politolinguistic framing of the usage of apophasis, mesarchia, and pathos in Trump content spanning the first six months of his candidacy for the 2016 U.S. presidency seat. This account finds that Trump is decidedly Ur-Fascist or populist, and cannot be neither of the two, is likely both Ur-Fascist and populist, and leans more in favor of populist ideology given the analyses undertaken. This account ultimately aims to have supported critical discourse analysis (CDA) and politiolinguistics in support of these approaches as rigorous political tools, and to have encouraged the pursuit of political and civil awareness.

This thesis discusses clerical censorship against the film industry as a phenomenon encompassing questions of popular education and mass culture, power formation, and ideological struggles. It argues that clerical censorship should be understood not as the undertaking to simply make sins less attractive, in films, but as the Church's efforts to influence the state and police force, magistrates, or government censorship boards to prohibit or remove certain films’ offensive contents, which are believed to be ideologically contrary to the Church’s doctrine. The financial, political and legal sanctions called in force by Church censorship surely go beyond the idea of moral reprimand recommend by the Catholic teachings. They put in action what Gramsci called culturally influential ‘hegemony’. In particular, film boycott will be flagged out as that method which empowers the clergy (composed of high prelates, clergymen, and nuns) to influence their followers (flock of souls) to not even consider watching films, containing representations and ideas unapproved of by the Pope. In implementing its control techniques, by means of its reticular system, the church edits indexes, which set criteria for condemning and banning as ‘immoral’ and ‘harmful’, artistic products and ideological ideas, which threaten its theological standpoints. In this sense, the Catholic’s habit to set film ratings and spread public shaming may be said to contribute towards Church censorship as a wide-ranging practice. In consideration of the fact that the various forms of influence and control over the Catholic communities, exercised at local and national level by the clergy in parish churches, communities, schools, associations, and through the media, are acknowledged in this thesis as methods of clerical censorship, I also discuss the action and the militancy of self-appointed censors of Catholic background, who align themselves with the existing governmental censorship boards. In particular, this thesis conducts and examination of how filmmakers, producers, and distributors may at times witness their films being totally suppressed by state and church censorship, and at others, manage to bypass the trouble of compliance with censorship regulations by negotiating ploys to escape severe confrontation in the field of legal censorship. To reveal facts hidden behind the nation’s façade of liberalism and progressivism, this thesis addresses the conceptions behind constitutional/legal censorship and Church censorship. I demonstrate how the power of film censorship located in the nation's major centres of power, the judiciary and the religious, exercise double-edged forms of censorship, using their authority to influence society and individuals. A focus will be placed on recent reforms, which have aptly solved this impasse, and secured larger margins of freedom for the Italian film industry. Indeed, as my argument supports, cinema, as an art form, is also highly fertile in ideological and artistic dissidence against censorial forms of state and church, which attempts to influence and at times limit both the artists' expressive freedom and the audience's right to be entertained and informed.

2017 marks the hundred year anniversary since the Social Democratic party was split in two in 1917, when the youth party, as well as several leftish socialistic members, formed the Communist party. In the aftermath of the first world war communism rose in Sweden, Spain and Germany. Eventually, fascism and nazism began to rise as a political power as well. These ideologies put the Swedish Social democratic party at stake. This essay has focused on how the local Social democrats acted at a local level, when it came to these political powers. Elements of conflict and consensus, as well as class formation are lifted to find out how Växjö’s Social democrats reacted to communism, nazism and fascism. The result showed that the reaction was almost completely non-violent, although still in opposition. Attempts were made to cooperate with the local communists, with varied success. They united against fascism and to aid them under fascist oppression. The class formation were partly unitary as of this, but mostly fragmented, when the communists were looked at as dividers and Moscow agents with revolutionary goals. This did not work out with the Social democratic reformist agenda, why the communist was widely condemned in 1939. The political right often criticised the Social democrats for their communist encounters. As to this the local Social democratic press did not trust the bourgeoisie to maintain the democracy if they were given the chance to overthrow the Social democratic government with help from the fascists.

This thesis consists of a close reading and meta-analysis of themes and patterns in the works that comprise the fictional world of “Middle-Earth” created by J. R. R. Tolkien, in specific relation to the culturally prevalent views of the decadence of modernity and the ideological dynamics of fascism. This thesis explores the ideological dynamics of the fictional world constructed by Tolkien’s texts, and argues that his work contains demonstrable similarities to the ideological dynamics of fascism in its response to the existential challenges of modernity. To clarify, this thesis does not argue that Tolkien’s fiction can be read as “fascist,” tout court, but rather to give a comprehensive outline of how the fictional world created within his texts relate to discourses critical of modernisation and to what extent the aesthetic and ideological dynamics of this world present what I will call a fascist utopia. Tolkien’s work will be approached using the arguments and theories from canonical texts and authors regarding discourses on modernity, including works from the fields of philosophy (Nietzsche), political economy (Marx and Engels), literary studies, sociology (Durkheim, Weber and Simmel) and psychology (Freud). Alongside this I will use relevant studies of fascism to analyse how Tolkien fits within and relates to the aforementioned discourses. I assert the findings that Tolkien creates a world which, in its attempts to renew the values of the past through the presentation of mythology, rootedness, community, agrarianism and hierarchy, demonstrates a semi-fascistic utopia. This is not to cast aspersions or make claims about Tolkien’s creative intentions or personal ideology, rather an observation as to the content and themes of his fictional world. I will argue this fictional world aligns with fascist concepts of identity, nationhood, heritage, mythology and renewal; however, at the same time finding it non-aligned with the central thrust of fascism, in its overt condemnation of industrialism and technology. This contradictory combination produces a fictional world which presents the renewal of what Roger Griffin terms the “shields against ontological terror” (75) now lost or delegitimised in the modern age.

No description available.

A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar a experiência japonesa e a aplicabilidade do conceito fascismo ao período compreendido entre a Grande Crise do fim dos anos 1920 e o fechamento total dos partidos e dos sindicatos. O caso japonês é, muitas vezes, tratado como desprezível, por se referir a uma experiência fora dos perímetros ocidentais e, também, traz consigo uma forma de esquivar-se de cada particularidade dentro de uma universalidade. O Japão, após a implantação do capitalismo em fins do século XIX, passa por diversas transformações orientadas pela mesma lógica de reprodução. A partir das distinções do caso japonês e de generalizações do conceito fascismo, foi possível perceber a unidade dos processos político-sociais. O resultado de uma arquitetura de dominação, desde a esfera social até os movimentos políticos da economia, foi exposto neste trabalho. / This study aimed to analyze the Japanese experience and the concept of \"fascism\" due the period between the Great Crisis of the late 1920s and the total closure of parties and unions. The Japanese case is often treated as negligible, because it refers to an out of the western perimeter, and also brings with it a way to dodge every particular within a universality. Japan, after the capitalism introduction in the late nineteenth century, goes through several transformations driven by the same logic of reproduction. From the Japanese case distinctions and generalizations of the concept of \"fascism\", it was possible to make out the unity of political and social processes. The result of an architecture of domination was exposed in this work, from the social sphere to the political movements of the economy.

Luiz Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre: o teatro de resistência sob os regimes fascistas ibéricos tem como objetivo pesquisar e analisar a literatura dramática desses dois artistas e escritores contemporâneos, representantes de suas gerações literárias, que produziram peças originais, perturbadoras, mordazes, engajadas ideologicamente contra os regimes autoritários da península ibérica e, por esse fato, foram sistematicamente censurados. O trabalho tem como objeto a produção dramática de Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre entre os anos de 1944 e 1974, anos marcados pela repressão e censura do fascismo ibérico, assim como, pelo fim da segunda grande guerra, pela iminência da Guerra Fria, pela ameaça nuclear e pelo drástico cerceamento à liberdade durante os governos totalitários de Portugal e Espanha. Faremos observar alguns aspectos históricos, sociais e políticos da contínua decadência peninsular deste período, questões que aproximam ambos escritores ainda mais, e que enfaticamente influenciaram na formação dos temas, nas concepções artísticas e nas literárias dos dramas desses dois autores de povos vizinhos. Um panorama da vida e obra de cada autor, em seu respectivo contexto histórico, fez-se aqui necessário para vislumbrar o percurso realizado por cada um deles e o desenvolvimento de suas respectivas produções literárias. Testemunhas comprometidas com esse período fascista ibérico, Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre, ao término da II Guerra Mundial, no prelúdio literário de suas vidas, decidiram criar uma dramaturgia de vanguarda e resistência. Peças teatrais, frutos do inconformismo de uma época conturbada e repressora; obras características de um teatro que apostava em mudanças e, sobretudo, buscava alguma reação sinestésica de suas respectivas sociedades. / Luiz Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre: the theater of opposition under Iberian fascist regimes aims to research and analyze the dramatic literature of these two contemporary artists and writers, representatives of their literary generations, which produced original pieces, disturbing, spicy, ideologically engaged against the authoritarian regimes of the Iberian Peninsula, and this fact, systematically censored. The work is focused on the dramatic production of Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre between the years 1944 and 1974, years marked by the collective Iberian fascism, by the end of the Second World War, the imminence of the Cold War, the nuclear threat and the drastic curtailment of freedom during the totalitarian governments of Portugal and Spain. We will look at some historical, social and political decay of the continuous period of peninsular issues that bring both further and strongly influenced the formation of the themes of artistic and literary conceptions of the tragedies of these two authors of their neighbours. A wide panel of life and work of each author in their respective historical context, it was necessary to glimpse here the route taken by each of them and develop their literary productions. Witnesses committed to this Iberian fascist period, Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre, at the end of World War II, in the prelude of their literary lives, decided to create a vanguard and opposition theater. Plays, result of the nonconformity of a tumultuous and repressive time; works features a drama, which believed on changes and, especially, tried some synaesthetic reaction of their respective companies.