Thesis--Columbia University. / Bibliography: p. [215]-224.

Thesis (doctoral)--University of Uppsala, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-339) and index.

Thesis (Doctoral)--Universidad de Alcalá de Henares, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [515]-543).

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka de amerikanska kommunisternas samtida diskussion kring och kritik av Roosevelts National Industrial Recovery Act , samt att analysera deras interna dragkamp om hur denna skulle tolkas och förstås i relation till fascism. Detta genomförs genom att studera kommunistiska tidningar från stalinister och trotskister. Tidigare forskning om ämnet har negligerat kommunisternas syn på lagen, alternativt avfärdat den som simpel dogma. Denna studie visar tvärtemot att både NIRA och fascism var föremål för en omfattande maktkamp mellan de kommunistiska lägren, och att kommunisternas förståelser och tolkningar byggde på komplexa teorier och utförliga analyser som anknöt till många olika koncept som bl.a. krig, terror, juridik, rättigheter, statens makt och begränsningar, symboler, statsvetenskaplig teori, och ideologier. Därmed kan studien också bidra till att problematisera och nyansera den rådande bilden av the New Deal, som i såväl forskning som populär mening har förståtts och förstås och används fortfarande som ett enhetligt, socialistiskt och progressivt fenomen.

Cette thèse de doctorat ne vise pas tant à questionner la pertinence de la formule d'École romaine (Scuola Romana) appliquée à un groupe de peintres et de sculpteurs actifs à Rome dans l'entre-deux-guerres qu'à tenter de comprendre le succès de cette étiquette jusqu'à nos jours. Différentes méthodes sont utilisées pour aborder les écrits de critique d'art et les discours scientifiques, mais aussi les productions textuelles plus liées à la fiction et au témoignage. D'autre part, ce travail analyse les carrières singulières des artistes ainsi que le devenir des œuvres afin de replacer l'École romaine par rapport à une histoire du goût en Italie et au-delà. L'étude suit une progression chronologique. Elle porte d'abord sur la réception de l'École romaine du temps de son activité, entre 1918 et 1945, puis interroge la place des artistes du mouvement dans l'Italie de l'après-Seconde Guerre mondiale, dans un contexte marqué par les divisions politiques. Enfin, à partir des années 1980, l'on assiste à une tentative de revalorisation marchande de l'École romaine sans précédent. Il s'agit alors d'évaluer les résultats de cette action et de comprendre ce qui l'a rendue possible. Les questions de la modernité artistique ainsi que celles des liens de la scène artistique romaine avec le fascisme puis avec la mémoire du régime sont au cœur de cette recherche, constituant des approches neuves pour étudier un objet encore mal connu en France. / This PhD thesis questions the label « Ecole romaine » (also known as Scuola romana) used to designate a group of painters and sculptors in Rome between 1918 and 1945. We aim to understand the reasons for the success of this expression until now. We use various methods in order to investigate the discourses of both art critics and scholars as well as more fictional texts, often written as testimonies. Furthermore, this work analyses the singular career of each artist and the reception of their works in order to consider the Ecole Romaine within a history of taste in Italy and abroad. Our study follows a chronological development. First, we analyse the reception of the School when active, between 1918 and 1945. Then, we examine the place of our artists in post-war Italy, in a context of great political divisions. Finally, we study how, in the early 1980s, various actors on the artistic scene tried to raise the value of the Ecole Romaine's works on the art market. What were the results of their attempt, and to what extent this renewal of interest had a lasting impact, especially in the museums field ? The questions of artistic modernity and of the relationship between the Ecole Romaine and the fascist regime are central in this research. These constitute new approaches to a theme which has remained relatively unknown outside of Italy.

La thèse reconstitue les activités et les ramifications transnationales du réseau antisémite, contre-révolutionnaire et anticommuniste animé par Mgr Umberto Benigni de 1917 à 1934 (« Entente romaine de défense sociale »). Mgr Benigni est une figure majeure de l’intransigeantisme catholique, soldat de Pie X dans la lutte acharnée contre le modernisme ; membre de la Curie et professeur renommé, Benigni marque la formation de plusieurs dirigeants de l’Eglise, notamment Eugenio Pacelli, futur Pie XII. Mais Benigni est également un nom récurrent dans l’historiographie sur l’antisémitisme italien en raison de la longue durée de sa carrière de publiciste antisémite ; avant les lois raciales fascistes de 1938, il incarne l’une des principales traditions d’antisémitisme national. À partir des archives privées de Mgr Benigni, des archives du Vatican et des archives du fascisme italien, cette thèse met à jour les activités du prélat romain en relation avec ses plus proches collaborateurs italiens (la revue Fede e Ragione) et français (Mgr Jouin et l’abbé Boulin, autour de la Revue internationale des sociétés secrètes, Le Bloc catholique de Toulouse). Par cet exemple de réseau, c'est une certaine cartographie de l'antisémitisme, de l'engagement intransigeant et de l'extrême droite, qui peut être reconstruite. Les ramifications internationales du réseau sont multiples impliquant différents groupes antisémites britanniques, américains, allemands, suisses ou encore les activistes russes blancs en exil. Une attention particulière est portée aux connexions politiques des catholiques intransigeants autour de Mgr Benigni, notamment avec l’Action française et le fascisme italien. / My research contributes to the history of interwar antisemitism by examining the interplay between two aspects usually neglected in the scholarship on antisemitism: the involvement of Catholic activists and the transnational dimension of antisemitic propaganda. By studying the Catholic network led by the Roman prelate Umberto Benigni and drawing upon the recently opened Vatican archives (Pius XI’s pontificate and Holy Office archives), my work revisits antisemitism through the lens of transnational methods. Challenging the traditional distinction between religious anti-Judaism and modern antisemitism, the overarching question of my research is how the transnational diffusion of antisemitic propaganda played a key role in the reshaping and renewal of Catholic hostility toward Jews during the interwar period. Focusing on a specific network led by Italian and French clerics with global right-wing connections, my dissertation uncovers that antisemitism was the common ground that gathered divergent tendencies as heterogeneous as French Catholics, Italian Fascists, White Russian émigrés, and German National Socialists. As a case study, Msgr Umberto Benigni’s network demonstrates Catholic antisemitism’s transnational connections and permeability with political and racial prejudices. Going beyond the Nazi-centric debate on antisemitism, my research draws upon the recent development of Holocaust studies related to the Italian and Vatican contexts, and examines an alternative model of Catholic Latin antisemitism. My dissertation thus exposes Catholic networks as one of the main vectors and driving forces of antisemitism’s transnational spread during the interwar era.

The main topic of this diploma thesis is the Exile Experience in Bertolt Brecht?s Flüchtlingsgespräche. On the background of political and social change this thesis deals with the question of exile identity as well as with the relationship to home, in this case Germany. Further on, there is an analysis of the boundary and virtue motif. Finally, this diploma thesis deals with the change in the use of language and analyses images of exile life in the time of World War Two.

Disertační práce: Propaganda Britské unie fašistů Mgr. Jakub Drábik Ústav světových dějin Abstract The dissertation deals with the propaganda of the largest and only relevant British fascist party, the British Union of Fascists, founded in 1932 by Sir Oswald Mosley. The aim of the dissertation is to look at the BUF propaganda in the light of the "new consensus" that has emerged in fascist studies in recent years. Based on the official BUF party press, publications, pamphlets, propaganda posters, speeches and public appearances of the movement's leading figures and other forms of propaganda, this work analyses the propaganda of the BUF not just in the terms of crude "brainwashing" or "social control," but also as a form of social engineering - in other words, as a serious attempt to realize the ideas of an alternative modernity and of a political, economic, social and cultural revolution. In spite of widely held view that the BUF was only a group of crude anti-Semites, thugs, bullies or even opportunists with materialistic goals, this work argues that the "propagation of faith" or "the dissemination of political beliefs" was one of the motives of BUF propagandists.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação tem como objeto a militância integralista atuante no Rio de Janeiro durante o Estado Novo. Referenciado nos pressupostos marxistas de viés gramsciano, procuro refletir sobre o papel desempenhado pelo movimento no contexto ditatorial. Após o fechamento do partido, em dois de dezembro de 1937, o integralismo sofreu um tremendo retrocesso em suas ações. Inconformados com o desprestígio junto aos dirigentes do novo Estado, a ala mais miliciana do movimento organiza duas tentativas de golpe de Estado, por sinal, fracassadas. Reagindo a ação golpista, o governo desenvolve uma avassaladora repressão aos integralistas, sobretudo, do Rio de Janeiro, centro articulador das revoltas. Muitos camisas-verdes são presos, julgados e condenados, outros, porém, continuam na oposição clandestina. Mais tarde, ainda na capital federal, fruto de um arrefecimento da repressão, uma expressiva ala do movimento inicia um processo de reorganização. Dezenas de entidades de caráter nacionalista são fundadas por integralistas. Baseado em documentos policiais, privados e administrativos, em processos e fragmentos da imprensa do período procuro pensar a especificidade de cada uma dessas trajetórias, relacionando-as as ações do regime. Dessa forma, o texto trata da resistência a implantação do novo Estado por parte dos integralistas, bem como da incorporação destes as fileiras do Estado Novo. Reporta-se também ao projeto do regime voltado ao integralismo, que incluía repressão e complacência a organização integralista e as disputas inerentes ao jogo político em que se moviam ambos os grupos. / This dissertation focuses the militancy integralista active in Rio de Janeiro during the Estado Novo. Referenced in the assumptions of Marxist bias Gramscian, try thinking about the role played by the movement in the dictatorship. After the closure of the party in December 1937, the integralism suffer a tremendous setback in its actions. Compliance with the discredit with the leaders of the new state, the more militiaman wing of the movement organizes two attempts of coup of State, by the way, failed. Reacting to share coup, the government develops an overwhelming repression to integralism, especially in Rio de Janeiro, center articulator of revolts. Many "camisas-verdes" are arrested, tried and sentenced, others, however, remain in opposition illegal. Later, still in the federal capital, the result of a cooling of repression, a significant wing of the movement started a process of reorganization. Dozens of bodies in nature are based on national integralistas. Based on police documents, private and administrative, process and fragments in the press of time trying to think of each of these specific paths, linking them to the actions of the regime. Thus, the text deals with resistance to deployment of new state by integralism, and the incorporation of the ranks of the Estado Novo. It refers also to the design of the system back to integralismo, which included repression and the organization full and compliance disputes inherent in the political game as it moved both groups.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação de mestrado trata da prática do recolhimento de crianças e adolescentes em situação de rua, na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, como um tipo de política de governo que vem reproduzindo e perpetuando um estado de barbárie, intolerância e desumanidade junto a esse segmento da população. A contextualização deste fenômeno é feita durante o período que vai de 2001 a 2011 marco dos 10 anos de constituição da Rede Rio Criança na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, e das gestões do Prefeito César Maia (2001 a 2009), e os 02 primeiros anos da gestão de Eduardo Paes na Prefeitura do Rio (2010 -2011). Para uma análise mais aprofundada, é importante nos reportarmos à história recente para entendermos melhor o desenvolvimento deste fenômeno e o seu processo contraditório, que tem no sistema capitalista o aprofundamento das desigualdades e da intolerância, a produção de subjetividades sobre o jovem perigoso, e a perpetuação de práticas de controle e repressão direcionadas aos pobres. Nesse processo, observamos a manutenção de práticas retrógradas inspiradas no higienismo e eugenia. Procuro também trazer minha implicação com essa história, e dialogar com alguns autores, trabalhando certas categorias para ajudar na construção do objeto. Como estes fatos foram sendo histórica, social e culturalmente construídos e ainda nos constituem no presente, que tipo de racionalidade está presente, saber o que esses meninos e meninas, vítimas das operações de recolhimento, sentem, de que forma estas práticas os afeta e quais são as conseqüências em suas vidas, são questões importantes trabalhadas nesta pesquisa. / This Master Sccience dissertation deals with the practice of gathering children and adolescents on the streets in the city of Rio de Janeiro, as a kind of government policy that is reproducing and perpetuating a state of barbarism, intolerance and inhumanity to this segment of the population. The background of this phenomenon is made during the period 2001 to 2011, when Rio Criança Network, when the network celebrated its 10 years of foundation in Rio de Janeiro city and, the establishment of the administrations of Cesar Maia (2001 to 2009) and the two firsts years of management of Eduardo Paes in Rio de Janeiro (2010-2011). For further analysis, it is important report the recent history to better understand the development of this phenomenon and its contradictory process, which have in the capitalist system the deepening of inequality and intolerance, the production of subjectivities on the dangerous youngers, and the perpetuation of control practices and repression directed to the poor people. In this process, we observed the maintenance of retrograde practices inspired by the hygienism and eugenic. I also try to bring my involvement with this story, and dialogue with other authors, working some categories to help build the object. As these facts have been historically, socially and culturally constructed and still are in the present, what kind of rationality is present, to know these boys and girls victims of the operations of withdrawal, feel how these pratices afected theys and what are the consequences in their lives, these questions are important issues analyzed in this research.