Este trabalho tem por objetivo estudar um conjunto de obras de diferentes tipologias e autores localizados na cidade São Paulo que se vinculam ao movimento moderno italiano do Novecento. Sendo usualmente chamada pela historiografia de \'arquitetura de inspiração fascista\' estas obras, apesar de terem papel central na formação da paisagem paulistana, são pouco contempladas nos estudos da arquitetura. Assim, para uma melhor compreensão de suas premissas projetuais e compositivas, que apresentam aspectos da tradição mediterrânea, se faz necessário um resgate e uma investigação sobre seu cenário sócio-político que foi indissociável ao surgimento de governos de ditatoriais. / This work aims to study a set of works of different typologies and authors located in the city of São Paulo that are linked to the modern Italian movement of the Novecento. Usually called by the historiography by \'fascist-inspired architecture\', these works, although central in the formation of the landscape of São Paulo, are slight contemplated in architectural studies. Thus, for a better understanding of its design and composition premises, that present aspects of the Mediterranean tradition, it is necessary a recover and an investigation of its socio-political scenario that was inseparable from the emergence of dictatorial governments.

Uppsatsens undersökande studie ämnar till att skapa en förståelse till varför två till synes diametralt motsatta politiska perspektiv kan sammanstråla, via två framträdande opinionsbildare, i sitt uttalade stöd till en och samma presidentkandidat. Analysen utgår ifrån tre olika policyområden för Trumps, 2016, presidentkandidatur, och hur Richard Spencer samt Stefan Molyneux förhåller sig till dessa. Spencer är en av den amerikanska alternativa högerns förgrundsfigurer och Molyneux en politisk opinionsbildare för voluntarism och anarko-kapitalism. De båda stödjer Trumps policyinriktningar fullt ut, stödet motiveras dock olika utifrån respektives teoretiska utgångspunkt, men det finns ändå tydliga föreningspunkter som binder dem samman som ger upphov till vad som skulle kunna hänvisas som anarko-fascism.

The functioning and apparent successes of the political leadership in Nazi Germany, has for long presented political scientists with a very complex and seemingly ambiguous system to interpret and explain. This study addresses this very matter by firstly identifying the ideological environment within which it functioned as one in which an effective leader with effective leadership tactics was vital. Secondly, two factors are identified as key to the understanding and explanation of political leadership in the Third Reich. These factors are the 'Hitler myth' as a vibrant leadership cult that stood at the centre of Adolf Hitler's relationship with the German people and thus formed the base of Hitler's authority, and the 'Fahrer Prinzip' as expression of the totalitarian style of leadership present in the Nazi movement and the Nazi State, especially regarding the role of Hitler as Fahrer of the Nazi Party and later also of the Nazi State. / Dissertation (MA (Political Science))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Under the Nazi regime in Germany (1933-1945) a calculated killing of chronic “mentally ill” patients took place that was part of a large biopolitical program using well-established, contemporary scientific standards on the understanding of eugenics. Nearly 300,000 patients were assassinated during this period. Nurses executed this program through their everyday practice. However, suspicions have been raised that psychiatric patients were already assassinated before and after the Nazi regime, suggesting that the motives for these killings must be investigated within psychiatric practice itself. My research aims to highlight the mechanisms and scientific discourses in place that allowed nurses to perceive patients as unworthy of life, and thus able to be killed. Using Foucauldian concepts of “biopower” and “State racism,” this discourse analysis is carried out on several levels. First, it analyzes nursing notes in one specific patient record and interprets them in relation to the kinds of scientific discourses that are identified, for example, in nursing journals between 1900 and 1945. Second, it argues that records are not static but rather produce certain effects; they are “performative” because they are active agents. Psychiatry, with its need to make patients completely visible and its desire to maintain its dominance in the psychiatric field, requires the utilization of writing in order to register everything that happens to individuals, everything they do and everything they talk about. Furthermore, writing enables nurses to pass along information from the “bottom-up,” and written documents allow all information to be accessible at any time. It is a method of centralizing information and of coordinating different levels within disciplinary systems. By following this approach it is possible to demonstrate that the production of meaning within nurses’ notes is not based on the intentionality of the writer but rather depends on discursive patterns constructed by contemporary scientific discourses. Using a form of “institutional ethnography,” the study analyzes documents as “inscriptions” that actively interven in interactions in institutions and that create a specific reality on their own accord. The question is not whether the reality represented within the documents is true, but rather how documents worked in institutions and what their effects were. Third, the study demonstrates how nurses were actively involved in the construction of patients’ identities and how these “documentary identities” led to the death of thousands of humans whose lives were considered to be “unworthy lives.” Documents are able to constitute the identities of psychiatric patients and, conversely, are able to deconstruct them. The result of de-subjectification was that “zones for the unliving” existed in psychiatric hospitals long before the Nazi regime and within these zones, patients were exposed to an increased risk of death. An analysis of the nursing notes highlights that nurses played a decisive role in constructing these “zones” and had an important strategic function in them. Psychiatric hospitals became spaces where patients were reduced to a “bare life;” these spaces were comparable with the concentration camps of the Holocaust. This analysis enables the integration of nursing practices under National Socialism into the history of modernity. Nursing under Nazism was not simply a relapse into barbarism; Nazi exclusionary practices were extreme variants of scientific, social, and political exclusionary practices that were already in place. Different types of power are identifiable in the Nazi regime, even those that Foucault called “technologies of the self” were demonstrated, for example, by the denunciation of “disabled persons” by nurses. Nurses themselves were able to employ techniques of power in the Nazi regime.

Today it is common to describe fascism and communism as totalitarian and/or political religions. Conceptual history, often associated with the German historian Reinhart Koselleck, is together with the historiographical perspective, defining for this study. This thesis investigates the scientific use of the concepts totalitarianism and political religion by studying the works of important scholars of the 20th and 21st centuries to explain how the concepts have been described and understood. This paper also seeks to explain why the concepts have been so influential over such a long time and with a renewed focus during the 1990s. The thesis pays particular focus to the 1990s when political religion as a concept grew inpopularity among scholars who had to determine the relation between political religion and totalitarianism. The works of leading scholars of political religion, Emilio Gentile, Hans Maier and Michael Burleigh have been studied to show how a renewed discourse of political religion has been created during the 1990s. The results show that there are many interpretations of totalitarianism and political religion, but the leading scholars of political religion also present a high degree of consensus on how the relation between the concepts should be defined and what their relation to each other are. The results also show that the influence of the concepts can be linked to their role as liberal, ideological concepts and the struggle of Western liberalism during the 20th and 21st centuries to define a common core between fascism and communism and to clarify these dystopian alternatives to a liberal democracy.

Peu connu aujourd’hui en France en dehors des cercles orientalistes, le nom de Giuseppe Tucci est en revanche en Italie toujours associé à l’Orient. Sa figure apparaît ainsi comme celle d'un médiateur entre l’Italie et l’Orient, objet de définitions concurrentes. Agent de la politique extérieure italienne en Inde, organisateur des séjours en Italie des nationalistes indiens, mis en scène par le régime fasciste, intellectuel instrumentalisé par le fascisme de Mussolini, théoricien reprenant des idées conformes à celles des intellectuels fascistes ? La question est de savoir dans quelle mesure Tucci s’est rallié au régime, dans quelle mesure il l’a soutenu. L’orientalisme tourné vers l’Inde a en outre été le terrain d’instrumentalisations particulières, liées aux théories « racistes ». Une bonne part de ce courant entretient avec l’antisémitisme nazi et fasciste des liens complexes. L’approche historique de l’itinéraire de Tucci ne se limite pas à ses actions au service du régime, telles que l’organisation du voyage de Gandhi, elle implique une analyse des textes qui font allusion aux questions raciales. La question de la quête de l’origine est bien présente dans sa démarche de voyageur et de savant. L’intérêt précoce pour les langues anciennes comme l’hébreu et le sanscrit confirme le caractère central de cette quête dans la démarche de Tucci. Fut-il porteur des théories racistes cherchant dans la linguistique des arguments opposant les peuples « aryens » aux peuples « sémitiques » ? A cet égard, il importe d’étudier précisément ce qui peut rapprocher et différencier Tucci de Julius Evola (1898-1974), en se fondant sur leurs écrits respectifs et sur leurs prises de position publiques et privées. / Hardly known today in France except among Orientalist circles, Giuseppe Tucci is in Italy associated with the Orient. He still appears as a mediator between East and West. Indeed, as an actor of Italian Foreign Policy in India, he organized travels to Italy for leading nationalists Rabindranath Tagore and Mahatma Gandhi, in propagandist action in favor of Fascist Italy. Was he really a supporter of the Regime ? Was he only motivated by opportunistic reasons ? As a matter of fact, Indian Orientalism has been linked to racial theories that display complex links with Nazi and Fascist Anti-Semitism. An historical approach of Giuseppe Tucci’s life does not only deal with political actions for the regime, it implies to some extent an analysis of writings linked to “Race” as a topic of investigation. The Quest for the Origin was to be seen in his travels and in his scholarly approach of the East which shows his interest for old languages such as Hebrew and Sanskrit. Was he in favor of Race Theories seeking in linguistics, arguments opposing “Aryans" against "Semitic" people ? Did he share any common points with esoteric philosopher Julius Evola (1898-1974) ?

This thesis re-examines the life's work of German-American critical theorist, Siegfried Kracauer, to recover abstraction from tacit historical associations with modern fascism. Evoked in critical theory more generally, the abstraction-to-fascism-teleology imagines 20th century fascism as the dialectical fulfillment of modern alienation. Rooting such alienation in the flawed Liberal and Marxist conceptions of monetary relations, critical theorists conduct their aesthetic analyses via ambivalent condemnations of abstraction’s assumed primordial alienation. In the thesis, I critique the abstraction-to-fascism-teleology through an affirmation of neochartalist political economy’s conception of money’s essential publicness and abundance. Drawing from this abstract legal mediation, I trace Kracauer’s various condemnations of abstraction along the terms of his embodied contradiction among the WWII and Cold War fiscal mobilizations to illuminate repressed pleas for abstract mediation within his work and midcentury aesthetic realism broadly. Further, I move from the midcentury moment to the Weimar moment in order to locate potential in Kracauer’s early affirmation of abstraction as a communal medium. I find such affirmations neglected in the Liberal and Marxist responses to the unemployment crises of the Great Depression in Germany. By looking to Kracauer’s Weimar essays on architecture and photography, as well as a reading of Fritz Lang’s Metropolis (1927), I pinpoint historical and contemporary promise in their commitment to the inclusive potential of abstraction’s (no)thing- ness, a commitment that was mirrored in the proposed monetary issuance of the WTB public works plan of 1932, which was ultimately rejected by the Social Democratic Party of Germany in the lead up to their defeat in the parliamentary elections of 1933 and the Nazis’ rise to power.

The ambition of this thesis is to determine the cause of the failure of the Czech fascist movement, represented by the National Fascist Community, during the First Czechoslovak Republic and to outline the position of the party in the political system. The work focuses not only on the role of the National Fascist Community in the political system, but it also addresses the territorial distribution of its electorate and membership and its participation in the parliamentary elections. The author characterizes the party program features and deals with program distinctions between the National Fascist Community and other right-wing organizations. The fundamental research question to which the author seeks an answer is: Why the National Fascist Community, as the main representative of the Czech fascist movement, did not gain a wider support from the Czech society? To what extent the National Fascist Community distinguished itself in its program agenda from other political parties and how this influenced its position in the political system? The theme of this thesis lies at the border of the history and the political science. The text is based on comparative and empirical-analytic approach, an atheoretical case study was chosen as a research method. At the end of the text the author summarizes the reasons...

The thesis is a biography of the last member of the Czechoslovak legions Alois Vocásek (1896 - 2003). His long life story is presented chronologically. The author describes the period of his childhood and adolescence, participation in the First World War, service in the Czechoslovak legions, life in Czechoslovakia under German occupation and after the defeat of Nazism. The greatest attention is devoted to his service in the Czechoslovak foreign army and his political positions during the occupation. These two historical stages form the main part of the master's work. Life story is confronted with archival materials.

In this dissertation, I study three key aspects related to the causes and consequences of the onset of the Age of the Masses. I do so by drawing evidence from historical natural experiments and historical data from the early Twentieth Century from the United States and Italy. In the first chapter, I leverage the expansion of radio networks in the United States to identify the impact of access to mass media on cultural homogenization. Exploiting exogenous variation in radio signal reception induced by soil characteristics and stations' tower growth over time, I provide evidence that network access homogenized American culture. Homogenization occurred through the assimilation of white immigrant and black households towards mainstream white native culture. Focusing on names from baseball players, I suggest that aspirational naming is a key mechanism to explain certain features of the results. In the second chapter, I study the impact of World War I on Mussolini's electoral success. I collect military fatalities for the universe of Italian municipalities, which is matched to municipal level voting in the 1924 election. I find that a higher share of fatalities increased the vote share for Fascism. I decompose the effect of the fatalities rate by its intensity to show that the number of fatalities interacted positively with the number of veterans back from the frontline. I interpret this as evidence that Fascist support was driven by municipalities where the high number of fatalities was matched by veterans scarred by the war experience. The last chapter looks at the role of child labor legislation (CLL) in lowering child labor rates in the United States. Turning to the newly-digitized complete count census data from 1880 to 1930, we find large effects of CLLs on child labor. While the laws reduced labor of boys and girls equally, the laws did had differential effects, binding in urban areas and especially in the largest cities and more for the children of foreign-born parents. Children with parents working in manufacturing and textiles were especially affected by the labor restrictions. CLLs had limited effects on the odds of African American boys or girls working.