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This paper analyses Mr. Scogan and his treatment of women with the use of Althusser’s Marxist theory which (supposedly and in this case successfully) reveals the ideology which infuses every State and every larger social group. Feminist theory is then used to analyse his philosophy which influences both his utopia, “the Rational State”, as well as his treatment of women – the conclusion drawn after analysing several events or discussions in Crome Yellow, such as on the Home Farm, the Rational State and the Charity Fair was that Mr. Scogan is perhaps not representative of all men and certainly not of men (and men’s notions) at the timeof Crome Yellow’s publication, but he is representative of a stereotypical man who oppress women based on their femininity. The worst case scenario drawn was that Mr. Scogan could be a rapist of young virgins.

The tradition of the oppressed teaches us that the 'state of emergency' in which we live is not the exception but the rule. We must attain to a conception of history that is in keeping with this insight¿.The current amazement that the things we are experiencing are 'still' possible in the twentieth century is not philosophical. This amazement is not the beginning of knowledge, unless it is the knowledge that the view of history which gives rise to it is untenable. (Benjamin, 1940: 248-249) The German-Jewish critical theorist Walter Benjamin (1892-1940) wrote these lines shortly before his death in exile whilst fleeing from the agents of fascism. They seem particularly relevant to a healthcare policy conference with the title 'Condition Critical' taking place almost 70 years later. In this paper one of the things I hope to do is outline how Benjamin's concept of the permanent state of emergency relates to health and social care provision for older people with dementia today. Benjamin believed that the Holocaust came about because of the 'amnestic' view of history as an unbroken, linear process of scientific achievement, including the belief in human perfectibility. He suggested that in order to see history stripped of this ideological myth of progress, we need to wake from a collective 'dream history', from our usual somnolent acceptance of surface appearances (Cohen 1993: 5). Similarly it can be argued today that the 20th century 'dream history' of linear progress away from a never-to-be-repeated Holocaust is a myth. My strong claim in this paper is that present day demographic panic related to the economic 'burden of care' for an ageing population is leading to proposed solutions analogous to the ideological killing of psychiatric patients, the physically disabled, Jews and other victims of Nazism in the mid-20th century. Such 'solutions' are fuelled by media propaganda, the profit motives of what has been described as the 'medical-industrial complex' (Bond et al 2004) and a reductive, medicalised, biological determinist model of the cognitive changes of ageing.

This thesis analyzes the historiography of Neville Chamberlain and appeasement through the lens of Oswald Mosley and British Fascism, arguing that an acute and unexpected convergence emerges between the ardent radicalism of Mosley and the utter rationality of Chamberlain, illustrating the uncanny degree to which appeasement as a policy dovetailed with fascism as an ideology. Beginning at the Spanish Civil War and ending in March 1939, politicians in the vein of Chamberlain - subsequently dubbed 'appeasers' - pursued appeasement as a means to placate German aggression. The British Union of Fascists, with Mosley at the helm, enthusiastically supported this movement and urged the British Government to intensify the appeasement campaign. Ultimately, the convergence of appeasement and fascism illustrates the severe lack of alternatives available to Chamberlain, and underscores the degree to which his pragmatic politics supported fascism abroad. / by Michael Ortiz. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2010. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2010. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

The aim of this thesis is to examine how Christianity and fascism can be concatenated. The thesis has been conducted as a descriptive content analysis of the Swedish Association of Religious Reform (Sveriges Religiösa Reformförbund), established in 1929. In order to identify the Association’s socio-theological project and agenda, a Foucauldian inspired social constructionism theory has been applied. This thesis argues that by relying on a mission to ‘complete’ the Lutheran Reformation, which considered religion and culture alike, the Association’s struggle for a religious ‘rebirth’ also referred to the rebirth of Swedish culture and society. This assumption was correlated with contemporary conceptions of ‘race’ and Jews, culminating into the perception of Jesus as a masculine Aryan ideal.

The purpose of this diploma thesis is to cathegorize the Slovak Republic (1938-1945) in the non-democratic regimes typology, primarily with regard to theories of Fascism and regimes in the "grey zone" between Fascism and Authoritarianism. The thesis explains the dynamics of Fascisation in Europe in the mid-war period, and places the Slovak Republic to this context of "the Fascist era". In the practical part, it will be dealt with divisions of the regime internally and in the Hlinka's Slovak People's Party. Based on this, the Slovak regime will be defined as Parafascist. Keywords Fascism; (First) Slovak Republic; Slovak State; Hlinka's Slovak People's Party; Para- Fascism; Hlinka Guard; Jozef Tiso; Alexander Mach

This thesis investigates the political project behind the infamous tennis hall meeting, commonly referred to as Bollhusmötet, that took place in February of 1939 in Uppsala, Sweden. Gathering in the local tennis hall, the members of the Uppsala Student Union decided to send a resolution to the Swedish king protesting the reception of Jewish refugees into Sweden in the wake of the 1938 November Pogrom. The protest was widely influential, spurring similar resolutions at other universities and arguably influencing Swedish refugee policy on a national level. The event itself was orchestrated by a group of nationalist students as part of a political project aiming to establish a Nordic power bloc with Sweden as the central power. This political milieu rejected the geopolitics of both England and Germany to promote a specific form of Nordic fascism. Antisemitism was a central part of their ideology, both regarding short- and long-term goals, and antisemitism was also the ultimate motive behind the tennis hall meeting. The architects of these events joined the mainstream conservative milieu in 1940 as part of a strategy to abolish the Swedish political system from within and restructure the Swedish state according to a fascist model bearing many similarities to national socialism.

Abstract.  The purpose of this study is to investigate connections between Andrew Tate and right-wing extreme ideologies through fascist and feminist theories and how they spread in a digitalized globalization. The material is gathered from interviews and podcasts on YouTube where Andrew Tate shares his opinions. I have used theories and concepts that discuss sex, gender and heteronormativity as a social construction, as well as a theoretical framework that identifies tactics used by fascist movements to spread their ideas and increase their influence. The result of my study shows that there are distinct connections between Andrew Tate opinions and right-wing extreme ideologies. Tate uses the same tactical method as fascism to spread his message and gain followers. They also share the traditional conservative view on gender and gender roles where everything is based on masculinity and femininity in relation to one's biology. Both ideologies are based on a heteronormativity that lacks intersectional analysis and stigmatizes those who break the norm.

During the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) a mix of right-wing ideologies existed among the Francoist forces. In sharp contrast with the Republican forces, the Francoist insurgents were successful in banding together despite their ideological differences. However, in the postwar era, this relative unity gave way to a struggle among the different ideological positions, each striving to impose its agenda for the new State. The party Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (FET y de las JONS) assumed power, but was not entirely successful in advancing its totalitarian project, which it had inherited from the prewar FE de las JONS party. Unsatisfied with this outcome, staunch Falangists employed political strategies to squelch the opposition of the military, conservatives, royalists and the Church, whose ideals differed in many ways. The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate how the political strategies used by the Falangists against opposing factions are mirrored in the cultural sphere, especially in literary and cinematographic portrayals of war. The propagandistic nature of these works is reflected in their narrative structures and literary characters, as in what Susan Suleiman refers to as “authoritarian fictions.” This study examines the ways in which Falangists propaganda exploits distinct features of the Rif War, the Civil War, and the Second World War, in order to promote key parts of the Nationalist Syndicalist ideology endorsed by core Falangists. This essay traces the transformation of these authoritarian narrative schemes as the hegemonic political position of National Syndicalism begins to deteriorate. In response to this unwelcome political change, Falangists propaganda becomes increasingly critical toward the other ideological positions of the Francoist Regime. This dissertation thus shows the way in which shifting political tides are mirrored in the cultural production of Falangist propaganda.

The diploma thesis provides an in depth overview of Czech exile in Mexico during the Second World War. Initially the text describes the political and social situation in Europe and Mexico during the 1930's and 1940's and elucidates the reasons leading to emigration. In the following part the subject matter of exiled Czechs is characterised, especially regarding Czech authors writing in German. The last chapter maps the communities of expat and their activity in aid of the Czechoslovak resistance movement; provides a detailed description of the Czechoslovak-Mexican Association and finally presents the stories of several exiles who were forced to leave Czechoslovakia during the Second World War.