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While domestic fascism within the United Kingdom has never critically challenged Parliamentary sovereignty, it has decisively disrupted public order since its roots were established in the inter-war political scene. The violence provoked by Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists (BUF) was one of the stimulating factors behind the enactment of the Public Order Act 1936. This Act significantly strengthened the powers of the police to regulate or proscribe varies forms of political activism. This thesis analyses the legal responses of Parliament, the police and the judiciary to interwar British fascism. In addition, by analysing the legal responses to public disorder from before and after the 1930s, it positions the BUF within their wider historical context which enables this thesis to assess and evaluate consistencies and discrepancies within the application of the law. By enhancing the historical contextualisation of the period with a critical legal lens, the principal forms of fascist propaganda are evaluated, including public processions, public meetings and the wearing of political uniform. It is argued that the application of a historico-legal methodology challenges the perception that the authorities were inherently politically biased. This thesis explores alternative factors which explain why the responses of the legal authorities appeared inconsistent in their approach to the far-Right and the far-Left. In order to critically analyse the police’s decision making process when monitoring political activism, the limitations of public order law and the nature of police discretion itself become fundamental components which offer a more balanced explanation for the appearance of political partiality within the police force.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Since the end of the Second World War, foreign policy goals have rarely become the lead issue for any Italian administration, and the desire to maintain the "special relationship" between the United States and Italy has generally muted any dispute The collapse of the Soviet Union and a growing concept of national interest in Italy have combined to change the basis of Italian-American cooperation. With increasing speed and fervor, Italian society and its political leadership continue to develop goals and ideas that are less dependant on foreign influence or reaction than has been the case in the past. The events of the 1990s made many Italians reflect on what their values and principles were. Italians feel increasingly able to voice their opinion, even when it differs with that of the United States. While as partners there is still an inequality of means, the developing independent agenda in Italy will reduce American influence to be an equally competing perspective in the national policy debate. Although it is uncertain how far future foreign policy aims will diverge from American interests, the trend certainly shows that Italians will feel less restraint in voicing their disagreements when they arise. / Major, United States Army

Este trabalho tem como objetivo apresentar ao público brasileiro a obra e a vida do ensaísta e crítico italiano Nicola Chiaromonte (1905-1972). O autor foi diretor da revista Tempo Presente (1956-1968) junto com o romancista Ignazio Silone, revista que se propunha como um livre espaço de pensamento e discussão, contrária ao totalitarismo que se propagava na Europa. Chiaromonte foi um intelectual empenhado politicamente, sempre preocupado com o compromisso entre Liberdade e Verdade, lutou contra o fascismo na Itália e combateu na Guerra Civil Espanhola. Durante sua jornada enquanto intelectual publicou constantemente ensaios em revistas culturais por onde passou, além de ser colaborador da Tempo Presente durante os doze anos de publicações. A presente dissertação pretende esboçar seu itinerário na qualidade pensador e crítico através da exposição de momentos, pessoas e ensaios que compuseram sua vida. Além disso, será apresentada a tradução de um de seus ensaios para a inserção desse crítico nos estudos do Brasil. / This work aims to present to the brazilian public the work and life of the critic and essayist Nichola Chiaromonte (1905-1972). The author was director of the review Tempo Presente (1956-1968) along with the novelist Ignazio Silone, a review which was proposed as a free space of thought and discussion, contrary to the totalitarianism that was spread in Europe. Chiaromonte was a politically engaged intellectual, always concerned with the commitment between Freedom and Truth, has fought against the fascism in Italy and battled the Spanish Civil War. During his journey as an intellectual, he constantly published essays in cultural reviews in many places he went, apart from collaborating with Tempo Presente for twelve years of publishing. The present dissertation intends to outline his itinerary as a thinker and critic throught the exposition of moments, people and essays that composed his life. Furthermore, will be presented the translation of one of his essays, in order to insert this critic in the Brazilian studies.

A presente investigação surgiu da constatação de entrecruzamentos entre os discursos visuais da Mostra da Revolução Fascista (Roma, 1932-34) e do pavilhão soviético na Exposição Internacional de Imprensa de Colônia (Alemanha, 1928). Tais entrecruzamentos - reforçados e consubstanciados por contatos concretos entre hierarcas do fascismo e do stalinismo - levaram, a partir dos materiais visuais selecionados, à investigação de problemáticas comuns aos dois regimes, como a industrialização acelerada tardia, a expansão produtiva e o culto do chefe. Nesse sentido, as reflexões de A. Gramsci e W. Benjamin acerca da \"revolução passiva\" e da \"estetização da política\", respectivamente, constituíram constructos crítico-teóricos cruciais no desenvolvimento reflexivo da investigação. O objetivo da pesquisa de doutorado, em síntese, foi examinar e refletir sobre o protagonismo da fotografia como instrumento de reprodução simbólica e dominação, tanto na Itália fascista e quanto na URSS stalinista. / The present research emerged from the perception of intersections in the language field between the Exhibition of Fascist Revolution (Rome, 1932-1934) and the Soviet Pavilion at the International Press Exhibition (Cologne, 1928). These intersections - strengthened and substantiated by concrete interactions between Fascist and Stalinist hierarchs - lead also to a research, based in selected visual material, about common problems for both regimes such as a catch-up industrialization, production expansion and the cult of the leader´s personality. In this sense, Antonio Gramsci\'s reflections on the notion of \"passive revolution\" and Walter Benjamin\'s on the \"aestheticization of politics\" emerged as fundamental critical-theoretical contributions. In short, the aim of this doctoral research was to analyse and reflect about the protagonism of photography as an instrument for symbolic reproduction and domination, both in the Fascist Italy and in the Stalinist URSS.

The purpose of this study is to examine the party leader of the Swedish democrats, Jimmie Åkesson. The aspects that we look into is if there are any rhetorical differences in his speeches at Almedalen the year of 2011 and 2018. Along with the rhetorical side the other aspect that will be examined is the differences in ideas and ideological roots that shines through at the two different speeches at Almedalen. In order to point out differences we used two different methods. The method used in the rhetorical spectrum is based on Bo Rhenbergs steps to analyse political speeches. For the part that focuses on what ideas that mediates and which types of ideological roots his speech derives to, we used Mats Lindbergs analysis to identify values and an own constructed model based on literature regarding ideologies for the ideological analysis.  What we find in the rhetorical analysis is that Åkesson's rhetoric has changed marginally. It appears that he uses more of ethos' argumentation at the number 2018 than at 2011. Åkesson thus uses much of all the three rhetorical aspects. It also appears that the shift between the different styles Åkesson uses to convey the speech to the audience changes something between them both years. ​In the idea and ideological analysis, here too, the differences are relatively small. The actual differences in which values ​​the speech contains are few, but they exist. Differences are not based on the fact that the party or Jimmie Åkesson has changed values ​​and started to lean more to the right or to the left, instead the differences lie on which topics are in focus.

Avec cette thèse nous prétendons, à travers quelques textes de la culture historique portugaise et du roman portugais, montrer la présence de la confrontation entre les deux régimes de l'imaginaire (diurne et nocturne) décrits par Gilbert Durand dans son œuvre Les structures anthropologiques de l'imaginaire. Nous avons alors vérifié qu'à chacun de ces deux régimes correspond un imaginaire précis. Ainsi, chacun des deux imaginaires que nous avons identifiés regroupe des schémas, des archétypes et des symboles de l'un des deux régimes durandiens. Nous avons nommé l'imaginaire qui regroupe des schémas, des archétypes et des symboles du régime diurne « imaginaire du héros individuel » tandis que l'imaginaire qui regroupe des schémas, des archétypes et des symboles du régime nocturne a été qualifié d' « imaginaire du protagoniste collectif ».L'imaginaire du héros individuel est un imaginaire dans lequel le peuple, les masses, se soumettent à l'autorité d'un chef (d'un guide) héroïsé, acceptant la destinée comme une fatalité de l'aventure humaine. A l'inverse, nous considérons que l'imaginaire du protagoniste collectif est un imaginaire qui inverse les schémas et archétypes typiques du régime diurne, en valorisant la féminité et les profondeurs intimes de l'homme dans une attitude dialectique où les masses, se rebellant contre leurs oppresseurs, s'assument comme le sujet historique par excellence. Un nouveau sujet-héros est ainsi née, non plus individuel, mais collectif.Nous considérons ainsi que dans l'Histoire comme dans la Littérature nous trouvons le conflit majeur entre deux imaginaires qui s'opposent. En 1383-1385 et lors des deux Révolutions du XXe siècle (instauration de la République, en 1910, et Révolution des Œillets, en 1974), le héros individuel est supplanté par le protagoniste collectif. Le Roi solaire de Durand n'est plus le dirigeant de la nation puisque le peuple s'assume comme le protagoniste de l'Histoire. L'imaginaire dominé par le mythe sébastianiste et impérialiste, défendu au XVIIe siècle par António Vieira, n'est plus l'imaginaire prédominant, étant donné que l'imaginaire du protagoniste collectif va finalement s'affirmer collectivement / The aim of this thesis is, through some texts of Portuguese historical culture and from Portuguese novel, to confront the two regimes of the imaginarium (diurnal and nocturnal) described by Gilbert Durant in his work Les structures anthropologiques de l'imaginaire. So, we have verified,, that to each one of the two regimes corresponds oneprecise imaginarium, that is to say, each one of the two imaginaria that we identified assembles schemes, archetypes and symbols of one of the two durandian regimes. We called the imaginarium that assembles schemes, archetypes and symbols of the diurnal regime Imaginaryium of Individual Hero, while the imaginarium that assembles schemes, archetypes and symbols of the nocturnal regime was called Imaginarium of the Collective Protagonist.In the imaginarium of the individual hero the People, the masses, are subjugated to the authority of a leader (guide) looked up as a hero, therefore accepting the destiny as a fatality of the human adventure. We considered, on the contrary, that the imaginarium of the collective protagonist reverses the diurnal regime schemes and typical archetypes, valorizing feminity and the intimate depths of Mankind in a dialectical attitude in which the masses, rebelling against their oppressors, assume themselves as the historical subject. A new hero-subject is (re)born, not individually anymore, but collectively.The novels studied by José Cardoso Pires (Balada da Praia dos Cães and AlexandraAlpha), by José Saramago (Levantado do Chão), by Mário Ventura (Vida e Morte dosSantiago) and by Lídia Jorge (O Dia dos Prodígios) allowed us to confirm the mythological deconstruction of the Portuguese dictatorial period (1926-1974) by these authors. This way we are literally revealed the reality of the oppression and the violence as well as the imaginarium (virile, imperial and heroic) that underlines that reality.The colonial empire - parallel to a situation of unlimited exploitation in the colonies and in Portugal - is attacked in its archetypism, blooming the April Revolution as an imagistic counterpoint to a regime based on the exploitation, fear, violence, oppression, and imposing of submission. The characters depicted in the five novels studied go through the dictatorial years (only the characters of Balada da Praia dos Cães are not acquainted with the Carnation Revolution) to, finally, get in touch with a New World that is born with the 25th of April of 1974.We considered that, both in Literature and in History, we can find the conflict -major between two opposing imaginaria. In 1383-1385 at the time of the two XX century-Revolutions (Instauration of the Republic in 1910, and the April Revolution in 1974), the individual hero is overshadowed by the collective hero. The durandian Solar King is no longer the ruler of a nation, as the people assume themselves as the protagonist of the History. This way the imaginarium controlled by the sebastianist and imperial myth, defended in the XVII century by the priest António Vieira, ceases to be predominant and the collective struggle carried on by the People as the major-protagonist of the History affirms itself imagistically

Bibliografický záznam: SÁLOVÁ, Anna. Obraz sudetských Němců v českém tisku v krizovém roce 1938. Praha, 2012. 177 s. Diplomová práce. Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut komunikačních studií a žurnalistiky. Katedra žurnalistiky. Vedoucí diplomové práce PhDr. Petr Bednařík Ph.D. Abstrakt: Diplomová práce "Obraz sudetských Němců v českém tisku v krizovém roce 1938" se zabývá mediálním obrazem německé menšiny v Československu v období mnichovské krize (od dubna 1938 do podpisu mnichovské dohody), a to formou komparace, která zahrnuje ústřední tiskové orgány hlavních politických proudů té doby: u ČSDSD - Právo lidu, u ČSNS - České slovo, u ČND (Národního sjednocení) - Národní listy, u KSČ - Rudé právo, u ČSL - Lidové listy a u agrárníků (Republikánské strany zemědělského a malorolnického lidu) - Venkov. Práce se rovněž dotýká postojů českých fašizujících proudů k sudetským Němcům. Výstupy stranických periodik nejsou zkoumány izolovaně, ale i vzhledem k politickým postojům jednotlivých stran a je zohledněn vývoj těchto postojů v čase s tím, jak se krize prohlubovala, rozdělením zkoumaných témat do tří hlavních období roku 1938. V neposlední řadě jsou tyto postoje konfrontovány i s postoji tisku sudetských Němců. Práce je obecně zarámována pojednáním o mezinárodních a historických souvislostech...

由於本文研究的主題，國內過去的研究非常地少，因此本文在章節安排上 除了側重法西斯主義對三○年代中國政治的影響外， 並嚐試將法西斯主 義傳入中國及其興起過程作一清楚釐清。全文共分六章， 第一章「緒論 」，簡述撰寫本文的動機、過去研究回顧及成果、 以及研究上所面臨的 限制等。第二章「法西斯主義的傳入」， 即是探討法西斯主義傳入中國 及三○年代興起的過程。第三章「國民黨內的態度與爭議」的內容， 即 是國民黨的重要人士的法西斯主義觀，及其在國民黨內引起的爭議， 和 中共在此問題上的因應與策略作一探討與分析。南京中央籌組「藍衣社」 中國的法西斯組織的傳言， 顯然是造成國民黨內反對派系激烈反對法西 斯主義主要原因。 本文第四章「三民主義力行社的成立」，主要係針對 被誤認為「藍衣社」的力行社，其成立的背景、經過、影響及其與法西斯 主義的關係作一釐清。三○年代中國知識份子與國民黨人的獨裁政治思想 內容及其動機分析，即是本文第五章「一元化領袖的確立」所要探討的問 題。第六章「結論」除了將法西斯主義在中國的發展型式， 與其他國家 的法西斯主義作一比較，試圖演繹出些新意之外，最後並對全文作一總結 ，看看法西斯主義對三○年代中國政治究竟發生了那些真正的影響。

<p>In the 1930s the Swedish homes were modernized through a series of social reforms. As a result of this, time was expected to be released from the housewife’s daily domestic duties and the question was what to do with this time. In this dissertation the concept of time is used in the sense of free time as time for free thinking. The time issue during the thirties is an underlying question throughout the study. The magazine Morgonbris (1904-), a political campaign journal published by the social democratic women’s association (in Swedish: Socialdemokratiska kvinnoförbundet, SSKF) was the public arena for political issues of this kind.</p><p>The aim of the study is to scrutinize the magazine, its shape (typography and layout) and content, the editors´ journalism as well as the relationship to the SSKF and the circle of readers during the decade, in order to describe the dramatic changes of this political and public arena with special focus on the editorship of Kaj Andersson (1931-1936).</p><p>Methodologically this study draws on Hannah Arendt’s “storytelling” or “fragmented historiography”. Theoretically the concepts “public sphere” and “proletarian experiences” are adopted and Jürgen Habermas, Oscar Negt & Alexander Kluge as well as Pierre Bourdieu, are referred to. The gender perspectives of Joan F. Scott and Yvonne Hirdman are also adopted.</p><p>Kaj Andersson’s ”active journalism” in Morgonbris exhibits two distinguishing characteristics during the thirties, it was clearly socialist and critical towards nazism and fascism and it was the most salient vehicle of modernity within the Swedish press at the time. She re-styled the magazine, gave it a new outfit and introduced a new kind of modern, photojournalism. The result was an economic upswing for the magazine. The heritage of Ellen Key´s aesthetics came forward in a consumer campaign, “The best of the industry to the needs of the homes” (Fabrikernas bästa till hemmens behov), which bears similarities to the “Better Homes of America” campaign, launched in the 1920s in the USA. The political path in both campaigns coincided partly with the agenda of Alva Myrdal. Also the “Housewife Holiday” campaign that Kaj Andersson initiated in Morgonbris was in line with the modernization of women’s life throughout the country. The exhausted housewives’ yearning for rest and temporary release from domestic duties was reflected in several articles, in which their grass-root initiatives were acknowledged as political action.</p><p>Until Kaj Anderson left Morgonbris, after several schisms with the committee about her creative – her backbiters would say self-indulgent – style to run the editorial office, she balanced on the border between commercialism and socialism. Her background in the party press, the social democratic newspaper Social Demokraten, influenced her ideas, but her initiatives to turn to the fields of production and consumption also drove a wedge into the field of journalism, as an involuntary beginning to separate it from the field of politics.</p>