This diploma thesis will study the mental attitude of Viktor Dyk (poet, prose writer, and politician) to fascism. The aim of this thesis is to understand the development of his thinking, identify the key historic moments that shaped him, and in doing so, reconstruct his political opinion. Those historic moments are most importantly the events of December 1987, the first world war, the fall of the Habsburg monarchy and the creation of the Czechoslovakian republic (1914-1918). The year 1922 (in which the first fascist groups in Czechoslovakia were created) was crucial for the shaping of his relationship to fascism. The goal of this work is to evaluate, whether Viktor Dyk leaned towards fascism or not. To allow us to study Dyk's relationship to fascism, the first part is dedicated to defining fascism. Afterwards we define the basic principles on which fascism stands. A short chapter is dedicated to Dyk's life, which is important to understand his worldview. The objective of the second part is to analyse Dyk's position on the fascist principles, which were defined in the first part. For this analysis, Dyk's poems, political speeches, journal articles and his prosaic works were used. In the framework of the three principles of fascism (leader, state, and nationalism) are also analysed the motives, which...

This dissertation traces the emergence of the air raid shelter as the paradigmatic architecture of air defense under the Nationalist Party government in China during the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945). More broadly, it explores how air defense in general became an integral technology for the Nationalists’ “war of resistance and reconstruction” (kangzhan jianguo), a fascist project derived from total war, the globally circulating military-political idea that modern wars would enlist the entire populations and economies of nations in warfare while subjecting national populations and infrastructures to equally comprehensive violence. The Nationalists joined the world in confronting aerial bombing after the Empire of Japan bombed Shanghai in 1932. In response, the government and its military constructed air defense, a political and technological complex combining mass mobilization, through air raid drills and air defense organizations, with material technologies, like searchlights, anti-aircraft guns, and bomb shelters. The Nationalists found in air defense more than a military technology. To them, it also offered a set of tools and resources for fortifying their flailing attempts to unite China in a common national project, and even recasting the substance of that project. Air defense could forge a new society that invested all Chinese people in war as a necessary precondition for overcoming China’s colonial subjection. Where democratic institutions collapsed and appeals to common heritage and customs failed, the Nationalists used air defense to turn survival (shengcun) into the bedrock value of the national community. Meanwhile, a group of young architects associated with the journal Xin jianzhu in Canton identified air defense as an organizing problem for the nascent professional field of architecture. Rather than the stale historicism endorsed in Nanjing, and against China’s craft building traditions, the group championed modernist architecture, especially the International Style, whose principles of simplicity, functionalism, and rationality they saw as necessary for building modern, industrial, and hygienic Chinese cities capable of enhancing human life. Moreover, they argued that the technological instrumentality informing modernism made it the only style capable of preserving Chinese cities and people from modern threats like bombing. After the fall of Canton in 1938, members of the group took their mission to Chongqing, where they joined the Nationalist government in building air defenses in the wartime capital. In particular, this dissertation argues that the air raid shelter and air defense focused contradictions in the Nationalists’ fascist project for uniting and revolutionizing China as it traveled to Chongqing following the Nationalist escape from Japan’s invasion of the coast. Over the course of the War of Resistance, the principal technology of air defense shifted away from mass mobilization, as the Nationalists came to administer refugees and displaced people they had never governed before, and became located in infrastructure like city plans and air raid shelters. Air defense served to exclude surplus populations like women and the elderly, rendered redundant according to the state’s wartime needs for industrial production and conscripts, by dispersing them in satellite settlements outside the city, from which they constantly returned in search of work or material goods. Shoddy air raid shelters, in the meantime, revealed the fragile biology of real bodies beneath the fascist fantasy of the heroic political subject, as shelters failed to provide for basic needs like respiration. Over time, these two problems collided, as the state closed shelters in the city to dispersed people, exposing surplus populations to bombing, while civilians also languished in shelters that could still kill them. The goal of building national unity through survival collapsed into a confusion of inclusion and exclusion, life and death, with disastrous results, like the asphyxiation of around one thousand people in Chongqing’s largest public air raid shelter in June 1941. In these circumstances, professionals like the Cantonese architects and new state regulatory bodies produced proposals and standards for building better shelters, offering a technological resolution of air defense’s political contradictions and consolidating the transformation of air defense into a technical expertise.

La thèse porte sur les auteurs italiens qui, acteurs ou témoins de l’Histoire pendant la période 1936-1945, ont fait l’expérience de la différence vis-à-vis de la norme anthropologique imposée par le régime fasciste. Dans une première partie, nous précisons les enjeux historiques et interprétatifs du sujet, en examinant le contexte des années trente – à partir de romans de propagande pour la jeunesse – et les difficultés interprétatives possibles. La deuxième partie est consacrée aux écritures de la différence et aux figures de la marginalité. Le corpus met en lumière plusieurs problématiques : l’individu en inadéquation avec la norme des années trente, puis le tournant de l’année 1938 et l’irruption de la question raciale qui redéfinit le statut des Juifs dans la nation et, enfin, les années de la guerre et de la Résistance avec l’expression d’un antifascisme existentiel et l’expérience traumatique de la Shoah. Une troisième partie appréhende la mise en récit de la différence sous un angle diachronique : nous analysons les variations de la perception de la différence entre le temps de l’Histoire, celui de l’écriture et celui de la publication – réception des œuvres. Les textes témoignent en effet d’expériences mais aussi d’une évolution du regard sur cette expérience. Nous étudions ces changements de perception selon trois axes qui traversent la seconde moitié du XXe siècle : le témoignage de la Shoah, l’écriture féminine de la Résistance, et le récit des persécutions de l’homosexualité. / The thesis concerns Italian authors who, as actors or witnesses of History during the period 1936-1945, experienced difference in regard to the anthropological norms imposed by the fascist regime. In the first part, we specify the historical and interpretative stakes of the subject by examining the context of the thirties – through propaganda novels for the youth – and the possible difficulties of interpretation. The second part is dedicated to the writing of difference and to the figures of marginality. The corpus highlights several problems : the individual in inadequacy with the norms of the thirties, then the turning point of the year 1938 and the rapid emergence of the racial question which redefined the status of Jews in the nation and, finally, the war years and the Resistance with the expression of an existential anti-fascism and the traumatic experience of the Shoah. The third part apprehends the writing of the difference through a diachronic angle: we analyze the variations in the perception of difference between the taking place, the writing and the publication of the History or the reception of the works. Texts do indeed testify to experiences but also to the evolution in the perception of these experiences. We study these changes of perception according to three axes which traverse the second half of the XXth century: the testimony of Shoah, feminine writing of the Resistance, and narratives of the persecution of homosexuality.

Radola Gajda, the general of the czechoslovak legions in Russia and one of the commanders of the army "supreme ruler of Russia", the siberian dictator Alexander Vasilevich Kolchak, the then general of the czechoslovak army, which in a short time reached to the highest place, after their overthrow fascist politician and leader of the main czechoslovak fascist party, Národní obec fašistická and participant of many scandals, is one of the most controversial figures in czech and czechoslovak history. On the one hand, a brilliant military leader, a born military commander, on the other hand, a person with sympathy for the authoritarian regimes and fascist parties, which president Tomáš G. Masaryk of his time considered one of the greatest threats to the czechoslovak democracy. The inconsistency of the person of general Gajda has led to the often very significant differences in the perception of this significant figure in our history during the different political regimes that took turns on the territory of the czech lands. As one of the most important commanders of the czechoslovak legions in Russia was Gajda main initiator of their military campaigns against the Bolsheviks, and in fundamental opposition to communism remained even after the rest of your life. Just as essential was the resistance of the...

1. Abstract The fateful moments put the duty of decision-making process to the players. They can not make no decision. Even an escape from the decision is an act. The player does not decide only on himself but his decision has a general impact. Historical experience can demonstrate the fact that history subsequently evaluates the actorś decision as if the actor had virtually preserved all the theoretical possibilities of decision-making process. The future judgement is influenced by external circumstances which can not be fully reflected in the time of the decision itself. The crucial theme of the thesis is to demonstrate an ethical dilemma on a particular example. It was Hacha's signature in Berlin, March 1939 that put the fate of our country into the hands of The Empire. The work will scrutinize on the basis of social and political ethics aspects president Hacha's possibilities of other solutions choice. A part of the work will be a general moral evaluation of Hácha's political activity and post- war responses to his acting.

Gray Wolves, in Turkish called Bozkurtlar and officially named Ülkü Ocakları, are Turkish ultranationalist organization. In some sources, the organization is described as neo-fascistic. This youth organization has close ties to the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). The organization is described as a parallel or militant wing of MHP. Its members deny the political nature of the organization and claim that it is a cultural and educational foundation. The organization was founded by Colonel Alparslan Türkeş in the late sixties of the twentieth century. During the seventies, the organization was the creator of political violence in Turkey during which its members carried out an urban partisan war with left-wing activists and militants. Nowadays, the organization operates not only in Turkey, but also mainly in all countries with a large Turkish minority such as Germany, Netherlands, Belgium, France, Sweden, Greece, Cyprus, Azerbaijan, China, Russia and Syria.

Ce mémoire porte sur la récupération politique de la figure et des œuvres du compositeur Giuseppe Verdi (1813-1901) pendant la période fasciste en Italie (1922-1943), et plus précisément à l’occasion des manifestations relatives aux célébrations du quarantième anniversaire de sa mort en 1941, alors que l’Italie est en guerre contre la France et l’Angleterre. Le premier chapitre explore le développement du mythe de Verdi, et montre comment le compositeur est graduellement transformé en héros national pour devenir une icône de l’art lyrique italien, s’inscrivant dans un effort de glorification du passé pour la promotion d’un esprit nationaliste italien pour, ultimement, attester de la suprématie du pouvoir fasciste. Le deuxième chapitre propose une étude de l’organisation des festivités de 1941; il se penche aussi bien sur les événements musicaux que sur les discours et les publications, pour ensuite présenter une analyse plus approfondie des célébrations organisées à Parme. Il y est question de la riche réception des manifestations, qui assurent l’entretien et la fortification du mythe verdien. Le troisième chapitre analyse les éléments discursifs entourant les festivités, afin de démontrer que l’encensement de la figure de Verdi suit diverses lignes de force qui convergent vers la représentation fasciste de la civilisation italienne. Par l’exploitation des sujets nationalistes véhiculés dans ses opéras, la restitution de son image révolutionnaire et patriotique et l’exaltation de son génie, présenté comme étant à la fois italien et universel, les adhérents du régime ont entretenu et développé le mythe Verdi selon le canon de l’idéologie fasciste. Le but ultime de ce mémoire est de montrer comment, pendant la période fasciste et plus particulièrement au cours des célébrations de 1941, Verdi a fait l’objet d’une récupération idéologique visant à appuyer la légitimité du pouvoir en place pour créer une hégémonie favorable au climat de consensus nécessaire au régime en temps de guerre. / This thesis focuses on the political recovery of the figure and works of the composer Giuseppe Verdi (1813-1901) during the fascist period in Italy (1922-1943), and more specifically in 1941 during the celebrations commemorating the fortieth anniversary of his death, a moment in time which coincided with Italy’s war against France and England. The first chapter explores the development of Verdi’s myth and sheds light on how the composer was gradually transformed into a national hero to become an icon of Italian opera. This was part of a wider effort to glorify the past in order to promote an Italian nationalist spirit, and ultimately, attest to the supremacy of the fascist power. The second chapter studies the organization of the festivities of 1941; it examines musical events as well as speeches and publications, and presents a more in-depth analysis of the celebrations organized in Parma. It deals with the rich reception of the manifestations, which assure the maintenance and the fortification of the Verdian myth. The third chapter analyzes the discursive elements surrounding the festivities, in order to demonstrate that the exalting of Verdi’s figure follows various lines of force that converge towards the fascist representation of the Italian civilization. By exploiting nationalist subjects conveyed in his operas, restoring his revolutionary and patriotic image and exalting his genius, presented as being both Italian and universal, the adherents of the regime maintained and nurtured a Verdian myth according to the fascist’s cannon. The ultimate goal of this thesis is to show how, during the fascist period and more specifically during the celebrations of 1941, Verdi was subjected to an ideological appropriation that aimed, on the one hand, at given the legitimacy to the fascism authority and on the other, establish a climate of social consensus essential to the exercise of power during wartime.

Den här uppsatsen undersöker tre valda huvudspår i Julius Evolas (1898–1974) andliga och filosofiska tankevärld som går att återfinna hos svensk extremhöger idag. De valda huvudspåren handlar om strävan efter en återgång till en andlig världsbild istället för materialism, en naturlig social hierarki istället för en konstgjord baserad på materiella tillgångar – och kvinnor och män i den heliga hierarkiska ordningen. Dessa idéer identifieras inom ramen för undersökningen också i tre av Evolas egna skrifter - Revolt against the modern world, Ride the tiger och Men amongst the ruins. Undersökningen utgår från kritisk diskursanalytisk teori och genomförs i form av en fallstudie på följande samtida svenska högerextrema tankesmedjor och alt-right-medier på internet: ”Motpol.nu”, ”Maskulint.se” och ”Svegot.se”. Där analyseras publicerat material under perioden 2018-01-01 till 2020-04-30, för att ge en bild av de fenomen, särdrag och företeelser som där framträder i en nationell diskurs i olika politiska budskap och som går att härleda till Evolas andliga föreställningsvärld.

An experimental survey (N = 415) is used to evaluate fascist qualifications within party preference groups, regarding susceptibility to a neofascist communication style and gravitation toward fascist ideas. Testing the notion by fascism expert Roger Griffin, that the influence of the neofascist intellectual movement the New Right (la Nouvelle Droite) is successfully shaping the 21st century wave of right-wing populism, it is hypothesized that sympathizers of the Swedish right-wing populism equivalent (the Sweden Democrats) are more susceptible to a neofascist communication style and more preconditioned to agree with covertly fascist ideas (as based on the writings of the Nouvelle Droite). The results strongly support this hypothesis, although the potential for generalizability beyond the collected sample is limited. Using a causal networks approach, the failure to falsify the hypothesis is however considered a small but valid observation that bolsters its probability. The study contributes to the current research by further strengthening the bridge between the fields of populism and fascism.

This thesis captures the development of a Czechoslovak political party National Unification from its foundation in 1934 until it was dissolved in 1938. It places the party in a political and historical context of the First Czechoslovak Republic, it analyses its program and ideological foundations. The thesis considers the concepts of nationalism and fascism which were and still are closely connected with the National Unification party. It describes the 1935 parliamentary elections from a viewpoint of the political party campaign and focuses on the contrast between the party expectations and the electoral results.