Journaliste, essayiste, prosateur, poète, romancier mais aussi à ses heures réalisateur, photographe ou architecte, Curzio Malaparte (1898-1957) reste, malgré un succès public durable qui dépasse largement les frontières italiennes, un oublié de l’histoire littéraire du XXe siècle. S’il suscite actuellement un regain d’intérêt c’est surtout dans la mesure où sa participation aux deux guerres mondiales ainsi que sa trajectoire du fascisme au communisme et au catholicisme en font le miroir des contradictions de son temps. Or, est-ce bien là son principal mérite ? La présente étude propose un parcours à la fois chronologique et thématique dans l’œuvre malapartienne en s’appuyant sur l’analyse du rapport entre l’univers et la page écrite. La curiosité insatiable que l’écrivain projette sur le monde qui l’entoure dégénère, au contact de l’événement-guerre, en plongée macabre dans les atrocités de l’histoire. Les pages cruelles et hallucinées de Kaputt (1944) ou de La pelle (1949) marquent l’apogée d’une écriture qui voudrait rendre compte de la réalité tout en refusant de s’en satisfaire. Face au visage décevant de l’histoire, Malaparte échafaude un rêve de « recommencement » à la fois individuel (grâce au « mythe de l’auto-engendrement ») et collectif (dans une perspective eschatologique), mais ne renonce jamais définitivement à poursuivre dans le monde cette quête désespérée de sens qui nous le rend si proche. / Curzio Malaparte (1898-1957) was not only a journalist, essayist, prose writer, poet and a novelist but also a director, photographer and architect when time permitted. Yet despite his success both in Italy and beyond, he remains largely unknown in 20th century literary history. If he is enjoying a resurgence in popularity today it is due to his involvement in two world wars as well as his trajectory from fascism to communism and onward to Catholicism, a mirrored contradiction to his era. Or does his significance lie therein ? This thesis follows both a chronological and thematic path through his work focusing on the relationship between the universe and the written page. The insatiable curiosity the writer projects on the world around him disintegrates into history’s most gruesome atrocities following the onset of war. The cruel and uncanny pages of Kaputt (1944) and La Pelle (1949) mark the culmination of a style of writing that tries to both account for and interrogate reality. In the disappointing face of history, Malaparte constructs a dream for a new beginning that is at once individual (thanks to the « myth of self-generation ») and collective (from an eschatological perspective), yet he never renounces definitively the pursuit of this desperate quest for meaning that brings him so close to us.

Engelbert Dollfuß, chancelier et dictateur autrichien entre 1932 et 1934, mourut le 25 juillet 1934 au cours d’une tentative de putsch de Nationaux-Socialistes. Aujourd’hui, il constitue l’une des personnalités les plus controversées de l’Histoire Contemporaine autrichienne. Alors que de nombreuses recherches ont déjà été menées sur le régime dictatorial mis en place par Dollfuß et repris après sa mort par Kurt Schuschnigg, aucun travail ne s’est porté jusqu’à présent sur le mythe entourant la figure de Dollfuß. Comment est née la controverse qui survit aujourd´hui autour de Dollfuß ? Sur quels schémas narratifs le mythe a-t-il été construit puis développé? Quels en ont été les acteurs ? Quelles fonctions politiques et identitaires a joué le mythe de Dollfuß pour chacun des grands partis politiques autrichiens et, au-delà, dans l’avènement tardif de la « nation autrichienne » ? C’est à ces questions, jusqu’alors toutes inexplorées, que cette thèse tente de répondre. / In an experimental biographical form, this thesis traces the “posthumous life” of the Austrian Chancellor who ruled as a dictator from 1933, and was killed by the Nazis on 25 July 1934. Although the majority of the population is ignorant of Dollfuss, he remains, paradoxically, the most controversial figure in contemporary Austrian history, and his legacy continues to provoke political scandal and controversy. The theoretical part of the dissertation deals mainly with the mechanisms of construction of political myths and their social functions; in addition, it considers the possibility of the posthumous survival of a historical figure as part of his or her biography. Using the tools of both historical and critical discourse analysis, this project investigates the evolution of the versatile Dollfuss myth, considers its various forms of expression through different media, and assesses its actors and their political and ideological interests. / Am 25. Juli 1934 wurde der seit März 1933 diktatorisch regierende österreichische Bundeskanzler Engelbert Dollfuß im Laufe eines Putschversuchs der illegalen österreichischen Nationalsozialisten getötet. Nach seinem Tod „überlebte“ Dollfuß in Form eines facettenreichen Mythos, der bis heute geschichtspolitische Wellen schlägt und in politischen, religiösen und akademischen Kreisen weiterhin kontrovers diskutiert wird. Diesem bewegten Nachleben widmet sich diese Dissertation in Form einer experimentellen „Biographie des Posthumen“. Der theoretische Teil der Arbeit widmet sich zunächst den Mechanismen der Entstehung politischer Mythen sowie ihren identitätsstiftenden Funktionen. Darüber hinaus wird der Stellenwert von Personenmythen in der Biographieforschung hinterfragt und die Relevanz der Einbeziehung des „Posthumen“ in die biographische Perspektive hervorgehoben. Gestützt auf diesen theoretischen Unterbau und mithilfe der Instrumente der historischen und kritischen Diskursanalyse analysiert die Dissertation die Entstehung des Dollfuß-Mythos und dessen Entwicklung im Laufe der letzten 78 Jahre, untersucht seine verschiedenen medialen Ausdrucksformen und fragt nach den geschichtspolitischen Akteuren des Mythos sowie ihren politischen Interessen. Diese Untersuchung bettet sich in eine breitere Reflexion über die Opportunität oder Inopportunität des Dollfuß-Mythos im Hinblick auf den langwierigen Prozess der österreichischen Nationsbildung und Identitätsstiftung ein.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:31:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luis G Galeao_Silva.pdf: 820815 bytes, checksum: da4f4d6c658489cbe9489b6dfdc19a3e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-10 / Recently, Brazilian society has experienced a shift in the perception of racial inequality. Few years ago, it was widely spread the notion that there was no racism in Brazil and that the social conditions were the main problem of black population. Nowadays, however, it seems that the majority of Brazilians has realized there is, indeed, racism in Brazil. The nature of racial prejudice against black people raises many questions. Here we had proposed to explore one of these questions: the relationship between subtle prejudice, explicit prejudice and tendency to Fascism. We hypothesized that subtle and explicit prejudice against black people are correlated to a tendency to Fascism. To investigate this hypothesis, it was applied a questionnaire to 103 students of a Business Administration School, who self-declared being white. It was performed a critical social research. The questionnaire was composed by the F-scale (Fascism) blatant prejudice and subtle prejudice. In our results it was found a correlation between F-scale and both types of prejudice. In addition, we found a higher mean in the F-scale, subtle prejudice and blatant prejudice, respectively. The most relevant correlation occurred between F-scale and subtle prejudice. We interpreted that students with subtle prejudice against black people have higher tendency to Fascism. It was done a factor analyses with the principal factor method. We concluded from the correlation and the data analysis that the subtle prejudice signalizes similarities between psychological conditions and adhesion to Fascism and the contemporary racist ideology. We suggested that the need of social measures for black and white people should be followed by a critic perspective and by changes of social conditions that lead to authoritarianism / Ao longo dos últimos anos, muitas pessoas mudaram sua percepção sobre a desigualdade racial no Brasil. Antes, era senso comum que não havia racismo e que os negros só não se destacavam na sociedade por condições sociais. Hoje, a maioria dos brasileiros acredita que existe racismo no Brasil. Mas a compreensão da natureza do preconceito racial contra negros no Brasil ainda gera muitas questões. Esta pesquisa foi orientada para a busca da compreensão de uma dessas questões: a relação entre o preconceito sutil, o preconceito flagrante e a tendência à adesão ao fascismo. Para isso, foi realizada uma pesquisa social crítica que como hipótese estabeleceu que o preconceito sutil e o preconceito flagrante contra negros estão relacionados à tendência à adesão ao fascismo. Para investigar essa hipótese, cento e três universitários (103) do curso de Administração de Empresas, auto-identificados como brancos, responderam a um questionário. O questionário foi composto pelas escalas F (fascismo), preconceito flagrante e preconceito sutil. Foram verificadas correlações significativas entre os escores das três escalas. Também foi observado que os sujeitos, em média, obtiveram escores mais altos na escala F, seguida da de preconceito sutil e, por último, da escala de preconceito flagrante. Foi realizada uma análise fatorial pelo método dos componentes principais das três escalas. A correlação entre a escala F e a escala do preconceito sutil chama a atenção porque se esperava uma relação maior entre a tendência à adesão ao fascismo e ao preconceito flagrante do que entre a tendência à adesão ao fascismo e ao preconceito sutil. Mas os estudantes mais preconceituosos sutis contra os negros tendem ao fascismo, do mesmo modo que os preconceituosos flagrantes. Outra conclusão importante, a partir dessa correlação e da análise dos componentes principais das escalas, é que o preconceito sutil sinaliza semelhanças entre as condições psicológicas para a adesão ao fascismo e à ideologia racista contemporânea. Essas conclusões indicam a necessidade de que as medidas igualitárias entre brancos e negros sejam acompanhadas da crítica e da mudança das condições sociais que levam ao autoritarismo, uma vez que o fascismo e o preconceito contra negros, inclusive o sutil, estão relacionados

The focus of this thesis is on the process of myth-making (mythopoeia) in the Dutch National Socialist Movement (NSB) and the Swedish National Socialist Workers' Party (NSAP), using a cultural pragmatic approach to analyse the practicalities and implementation of mythopoeia comparatively. A variety of fascist performances, scripted and unscripted, are considered as having mythopoeic potential, and understood as performative in character, i.e. constituting the thing they claimed to represent. Multiple parts of this mythopoeic process are analysed: the resources, organisation, and technologies required to implement it, and the nature of the process, the events, performances, in other words the actual implementation, and reception by audiences. Secondly, it uses respectability as a means of seeing how in a national context this process was limited, inhibited, or otherwise defined by the standards of the public and media, to which fascists ultimately tried to appeal, thus providing an external perspective on fascist activities to contextualise them. The thesis is divided into four chapters, which deal with the party apparatus, leader myth, political uniforms, and the role of aesthetics and spectacle respectively. Together these chapters explore the relationship between mythopoeia and respectability as refracted through party organisation and administration, as embodied by the 'charismatic' fascist Leader, in the day-to-day behaviour and appearance of the rank-and-file, and ultimately the holistic experience of fascist aesthetics, i.e. the fully scripted and organised spectacles of party congresses. Ultimately it is shown that the fascist movements of Sweden and the Netherlands were highly innovative organisations. Mythopoeia had a powerful mobilising capacity, which could make up for the diminutive financial power and low membership figures of fascist parties. Finally it appears that the relationship between myth and respectability was not a straightforward dialectical one, but multivalent, and highly dynamic.

Cette thèse explore la manière dont la mémoire constitue une ressource dynamique dans la construction de sens dans l’espace littéraire – poétique et critique en particulier –, et comment elle négocie avec la trace pour opposer la littérature à l’histoire. Fonctionnant à rebours, selon la marche même du ressouvenir, notre réflexion part du présent pour remonter aux deux premiers textes de Drieu, Interrogation (1917) et Fond de cantine (1920).L’introduction permet une première mise au point méthodologique et conceptuelle sur la question des liens entre psychanalyse et littérature, puisque nous revendiquons une démarche redevable de la psychanalyse. En considérant la théorie psychanalytique comme théorisation de sa pratique, il apparaît qu’une approche psychanalytique du texte ne serait s’en tenir à une stricte application de concepts, réduisant souvent la lecture à une mise à l’épreuve de ceux-ci. Pour une herméneutique du texte pertinente, cette pratique doit être translatée, adaptée. Il s’agit alors d’emprunter à la situation analytique quelques éléments favorisant l’élaboration de sens : le transfert, l’écoute flottante, la libre association, le statut de la vérité et le procédé d’attestation de celle-ci.Le premier chapitre constitue un état des lieux de la critique rochellienne marquée par des décennies de lectures biographiques, dont les productions ont fini par recouvrir les œuvres mêmes de Drieu. En recourant à certaines réflexions issues du champ historiographique, nous montrons que Drieu est devenu un monument inscrit au patrimoine littéraire. Désormais lieu de mémoire, il continue d’être l’objet de textes qui sont autant d’entreprises pour construire des identités narratives de Drieu, selon des ressorts et des dynamiques communes que la psychanalyse permet de mettre au jour.Le second chapitre est une lecture exhaustive d’Interrogation selon trois substrats culturels qui composent la mémoire à l’œuvre : la religion, l’histoire et la littérature sont mobilisées pour refuser le caractère proprement inédit et inouï de la Première Guerre mondiale. Celle-ci s’inscrit dans un continuum de l’histoire : elle n’est qu’une occurrence d’un même principe, et permet ainsi d’inscrire le sujet dans une temporalité qui confond passé et présent.Ces trois substrats ne subsistent pas dans Fond de cantine : le troisième chapitre s’emploie à rendre compte de leur effondrement et de l’éclatement du sujet sous le poids de l’histoire qui fournit cependant au sujet un modèle discursif à voir comme une autre stratégie de sémantisation du conflit. Mais cette tentative d’historicisation de la guerre confond références littéraires et faits historiques, et dessine une nouvelle expérience du temps où le présent domine : le passé n’est plus qu’un temps mythique, et l’évolution de l’humanité jusqu’à ce présent condamné à se perpétuer dans l’avenir est identifié à une décadence de l’homme, son aliénation et son incarcération. / This thesis investigates how memory provides a dynamic resource in the construction of meaning within the literary sphere, focusing particularly on poetry and criticism. The thesis examines how literature and history are opposed through the negotiation of traces (documents, events, references, etc.). Mimicking the trajectory of remembering, the study begins in the present, examining the current state of research on Pierre Drieu La Rochelle, and returns to the original traces, analysing Drieu’s first two texts, Interrogation (1917) and Fond de cantine (1920).The introduction provides a clarification of the thesis’ conceptual framework, which is drawn from psychoanalytic praxis and theory. The introduction begins the process of translating and adapting elements of the therapeutic cure particularly pertinent in the construction of meaning, such as transference, floating attention, free association, and the status of truth and its verification. By adapting these practices, a psychoanalytic approach to literature can offer more than a reading that reduces a text to the simple confirmation of psychoanalytical concepts.The first chapter comprises a review of the critical literature on Drieu La Rochelle, which has been marked by decades of biographical readings. A first reading uses historiographical debates and reflections to examine how Drieu has become part of the French literary canon, and is now a “lieu de mémoire”. Using psychoanalysis and Paul Ricœur’s theory of narrative, the chapter then highlights recurring themes and strategies employed by critics in their narrativisation of Drieu’s life. The second chapter is an exhaustive reading of Interrogation organised around three cultural substrates that constitute the text’s memory. Religion, history and literature are mobilised to deny the unprecedented nature of the First World War. Instead, the war is figured as the newest manifestation of a timeless drive for violence, through which the subject experiences a temporality that confuses past and present.Through a reading of Fond de cantine, the third chapter charts the collapse of the three cultural substrates seen in Interrogation and the fragmentation of the subject under the weight of the historical event. The intrusion of history nonetheless offers the subject a strategy for the semanticisation of the war. The attempt to historicise the war that follows, however, confuses literary references and historical facts. As a consequence, a new experience of time emerges: the past is purely mythic, and the alienated present endures without hope for the future.

En la tesis doctoral La biopolítica en la España franquista, el autor ha analizado la configuración, desarrollos, objetivos y particularidades de la biopolítica desarrollada en España durante el régimen del General Franco, desde su instauración en 1939 hasta su final en 1975. Dicha exploración se ha basado en el análisis de toda una serie de dispositivos biopolíticos -disciplinarios y reguladores-, encargados fundamentalmente de hacer aumentar las fuerzas de la nación y de disminuir la capacidad contestataria de los individuos. Todo ello ha mostrado al tiempo las características de aquello que podríamos llamar la gubernamentalidad franquista, articulada en base a unas formas determinadas de conducción de conductas capaces de elaborar a su vez ciertos modelos de subjetividad que habrían conformado, no sin resistencias, al sujeto idiosincrásico de la España franquista: a saber, el homo patiens. / In my Ph.D The Biopolitics in the Spanish Francoism, I analyzed the configuration, developements and specific objectives of the biopolitics developed in Spain during the Franco Regime, since its inception in 1939 until its end in 1975. This exploration is based in the analysis of some biopolitics dispositives -disciplinary and regulatory-, that is primarly responsable to increase the strength of the nation and to decrease the non-conformist ability of individuals. The conclusion of this research also shows the features of the Francoism's guvernmentality, that are articulated on the basics of certain shapes of driving behavior that is able at the same time to create certain models of subjectivity with its resistentes, and to build a characteristic subjectivity of Franco's Spain: the homo patiens.

La philosophie politique contemporaine est chargée d’une histoire qu’il reste encore à déblayer, tant la « guerre civile européenne » du siècle dernier a forcé son autodafé. Dans ce mémoire, nous prenons Georges Sorel, figure de proue du syndicalisme révolutionnaire des années 1900, comme figure archétypique de ce qui demeure en reste de cette histoire. Archétype non seulement de la manière dont des théoriciens de premier plan peuvent tomber, par la force de l’histoire, dans l’oubli le plus absolu, mais aussi archétype de ces forces mêmes, alors que Sorel est considéré par l’histoire intellectuelle comme le penseur ayant dressé le pont entre l’extrême-gauche et l’extrême-droite. Ce mémoire ne s’affaire pas directement à lui attribuer la « paternité du fascisme » ni à l’en disculper. Il s’agit bien plutôt de procéder à une déconstruction de ses principales idées à partir d’un angle essentiellement philosophique, procédé connaissant peu d’antécédents. Plus précisément, notre travail consiste à en dégager une définition de l’éthique, alors que le geste théorique principal de Sorel apparaît bien être une réduction du politique à l’éthique. Pour ce faire, nous mobilisons la philosophie contemporaine, notamment Gilles Deleuze et Giorgio Agamben, en raison de la forte affinité théorique qu’ils ont avec Sorel, particulièrement dans la définition de l’éthique. / Contemporary political philosophy is fraught with a history still to be discharged, as much as last century’s “European civil war” forced its concealing. In this masters thesis, we seize Georges Sorel, figurehead of the 1900s revolutionary syndicalism, as an archetypical figure of what is “in remaining” of this history. Archetype not only of the way in which popular theorists can be easily forgotten by the force of history, but also archetype of these forces themselves, as Sorel is considered by intellectual history as the thinker having set up the bridge between extreme left and extreme right. This master does not directly intend to attribute to Sorel the “paternity of fascism”, or to exonerate him. It rather develops a deconstruction of its principal ideas from an essentially philosophical standpoint, method virtually unprecedented. More precisely, our work consists to extricate Sorel’s definition of ethics, whereas his major theoretical gesture appears like a reduction of politics to ethics. To do so, we mobilize contemporary philosophy, especially Gilles Deleuze and Giorgio Agamben, because of their strong theoretical affinities with Sorel, particularly in their definition of ethics.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

This thesis deals with Girolamo Savonarola and with his place in the imagination and collective memory of Italians from the early nineteenth century to the present. It examines the works of a variety of Italian fictional authors who turned to Savonarola in the belief that he could help them pursue objectives which, in their opinion, Italy and Italians should strive to achieve. At first, he was called upon by nationalist writers of the Risorgimento to inspire a people and convince it of the need for a free, united Italy. Later, as the new nation began to consolidate and Italians came to realize that unification had not delivered all that it had promised, Savonarola was employed in a negative way to show that military action and force were necessary to ensure Italy's progress to the status of great power. As Italians became more aware of the grave social issues facing their nation, he was called upon, once again, to help change social policy and to remind the people of its civic responsibility to the less fortunate members of society. The extent of Savonarola's adaptability is also explored through the analysis of his manipulation by the writers of Fascist Italy. Remarkably, he was used to highlight to Italians their duty to stand by Mussolini and the Fascist Regime during their struggle with the Catholic Church and the Pope. At the same time, however, one writer daringly used Savonarola's apostolate to condemn the Regime and the people's blind adherence to its philosophies. As Fascism fell and Italy began to rebuild after the Second World War, there was no longer a need for Savonarola to be used for political or militaristic ends. In recent times, emphasis has been placed on the human side of the Friar and he has been employed solely to guide Italians in a civic, moral and spiritual sense. From the Risorgimento to the present, the various changes in Italian history have been foreshadowed in the treatment of Savonarola by Italian fictional authors who turned to him in difficult times to help define what it is to be Italian.

« Entre mon marxisme et mon décadentisme, il manquait la médiation d’un troisième terme qui est justement le christianisme ». Ainsi s’exprime Pasolini en 1964. Cette thèse propose de réexaminer La ricotta à partir d’une notion théologique : la réserve eschatologique élaborée par Jean-Baptiste Metz en dialogue avec les théologiens de la libération. A cette lumière, l’examen du procès de La ricotta et de son conflit central autour du rire, du sacré et du blasphème, offre la possibilité d’appréhender à nouveaux frais la portée politique des choix esthétiques de Pasolini puis de restaurer la trame historique sur laquelle se détache son œuvre. La ricotta répondait à une commande de film sur la fin du monde. L’approche par l’eschatologie éclaire la réponse pasolinienne : son récit de Passion lui permet de se positionner comme marxiste athée, à l’intérieur d’une culture chrétienne assumée et revivifiée. Enfin, la réserve eschatologique qui travaille l’esthétique du peuple dans La ricotta, notamment dans letraitement des voix, ouvre le pastiche pasolinien au temps des figurants. / “Somewhere between my Marxism and my Decadentism, a third term was missing which is, in fact, Christianity”, dixit Pasolini in 1964. This thesis will re-examine La ricotta, through a theological prism : using the Eschatological Reservations developed by Johann Baptist Metz in tandem with the Liberation Theologists. In the light of this concept, the study of the trial of La ricotta and its central tension built around the comic, the sacred and the blasphemous, will allow us to consider the political weight of Pasolini’s aesthetic choices and to reconstruct the historic background of his work. La ricotta was commissioned as a film about the end of the world. One may shed new light on Pasolini’s creation by using eschatological theory. Through his interpretation of the Passion of Christ, he appears as a Marxist atheist within his asserted and revitalized Christian culture. To conclude, the Eschatological Reservations influence Pasolini’s aesthetic interpretation of the poor and their voices in Laricotta, and herald a new era, the Age of the Extras.