Cette thèse analyse la position problématique et paradoxale du groupe Forces Nouvelles dans le large mouvement du retour à la figuration réaliste qui s’opère dans l’esthétique de l’entre-deux-guerres. Lancé en 1935 comme un groupe à la fois antimoderne et anticonformiste, Forces Nouvelles avance un nouveau langage pictural, un réalisme plus sensible investi dans l’expression de l’intériorité de l’être et éloigné de toute connotation sociale et idéologique, au-delà de toute trivialité ou de classicisme éteint. Pour beaucoup, ce réalisme d’esprit humaniste donnait au groupe un profil esthète et noble. Cette ambivalence entre réalisme et classicisme, entre activisme et esthétisme, est perpétuée dans la critique d’art même après la dissolution de l’ensemble en 1942. Cette identité ambiguë et obscure de Forces Nouvelles prend son sens une fois mise en relation avec les quêtes spirituelles et idéologiques de l’intelligentsia des années 1930. Révoltée contre l’idéologie matérialiste - dans sa forme libérale ou marxiste -, cette intelligentsia non-conformiste aspire à une nouvelle modernité plus spirituelle et morale ; explorant une voie alternative, ni à droite ni à gauche, elle vire souvent au conservatisme le plus anachronique et frôle la dérive fasciste. Forces Nouvelles, partageant une forme de pensée analogue à celle de l’élite contestataire – à la fois nihiliste et synthétique –, s’investit dans la recherche d’une esthétique originale, moderne et spirituelle, dans la recherche d’une nouvelle Renaissance ; s’inspirant d’une tradition picturale supposée authentique, le groupe élabore jusqu’au bout un style réaliste, grave et austère, effleurant l’archaïsme. En résonance avec la vision de cette génération non-conformiste, avec l’avènement d’un nouvel ordre moral, Forces Nouvelles propose un style réaliste au fondement existentiel comme horizon d’une nouvelle esthétique ultramoderne. / This dissertation analyses the problematic, paradoxical position of the group known as Forces Nouvelles within the large movement of a return to realistic figuration, which takes place in the context of interwar aesthetics. Forces Nouvelles, launched in 1935 as an anti-modern, anti-conformist group, proposes a new pictorial language, a more sensitive realism at the service of the expression of the interiority of human beings and remote from social and ideological associations, beyond trivial realism and jaded classicism. This humanistic realism would confer a noble aesthete's profile to the group. Such ambivalence between realism and classicism, between activism and aestheticism is carried over in art criticism even after the dissolution of the group in 1942. This ambiguous, obscure identity of Forces Nouvelles becomes meaningful in the light of the spiritual and ideological quest of the 1930s intelligentsia, which revolted against materialist ideology, whether liberal or Marxist, aspiring to a new, more spiritual and moral, modernity. In its exploration of a new alternative, which is neither right nor left-oriented, it veers towards the most anachronistic conservatism verging on fascism. Having intellectual affinities with the radical elite, this both nihilistic and eclectic group, strives to achieve original aesthetics - modern and spiritual - and a new Renaissance. Based on a supposed authentic pictorial tradition Forces Nouvelles adopts a realistic style, grave and sober, verging on archaism. Resonating with the vision of this non-conformist generation and the advent of a new moral order Forces Nouvelles puts forward a realistic style with an existential basis as the aesthetics of ultra-modernity.

Cette recherche porte sur la migration antifasciste de la Ligurie à la France dans l’entre-deux-guerres et montre comment elle s’adressa en particulier vers le Sud-Est et Paris. Il ne s’agit pas d’une étude générale mais centrée sur l’expérience des gens ordinaires et des familles migrantes. Il faut contextualiser l’expression «gens ordinaires» soit du point de vue historique, soit sociale et culturelle: en examinant les caractéristiques des sujets ligures impliqués dans l’exil antifasciste, dans leur territoire d’origine, cette catégorie devient un instrument précieux au fin de sonder de l’intérieur les dynamiques de network de la société. L’étude régionale adoptée permette de suivre des réseaux transnationaux liés à une très remarquable identité de village et/ou de parti politique, ce qui représente une typique modalité migratoire transalpine qui ne s’organisait pas selon des «Little Italies», mais plutôt selon des «petits villages italiens». / This research focus on antifascist migration from Liguria to France, explaining how it has been mostly toward the South-East and Paris. It doesn't target general studies: its focal point, indeed, is on common people and migrant families’ experience. The “Common people” expression must be historically, socially and culturally contextualized. By examining the topics of Ligurian subjects involved in the Interwar period exile, identified in their own original territory, the common people category becomes a precious instrument to evaluate society network dynamics from inside.The regional study allows to follow transnational networks with a strong native town or party identity, a typical Italian migration modality in France, which organized itself in “petits villages italiens” rather than the American model of “Little Italies”.

Orientador: Fernando Kolleritz / Resumo: A Ação Integralista Brasileira constituiu-se na década de 1930, no mais importante movimento político de direita e no primeiro partido de massa do país. Influenciada pela ideologia fascista italiana, a A.I.B. criou núcleos espalhados por todo o Brasil, como na cidade de Olímpia, encravada nos anos 30 no então sertão de São Paulo. O núcleo municipal da Ação Integralista foi fundado em 1934 por Ruy do Amaral e teve no jornal "Cidade de Olympia" uma espécie de porta-voz não oficial do movimento. Entre 1932 e 1937, o semanário publicou 93 artigos e notícias dos mais diversos matizes sobre o movimento integralista, inclusive uma contundente entrevista com Plínio Salgado. É a partir da análise desses artigos e notícias e da história oral de dois dos principais camisas-verdes do sertão, Ruy do Amaral e Ítalo Galli, que tornou-se possível reconstruir parte da história de um núcleo municipal da Ação Integralista no interior do país. Tanto os textos escritos como as entrevistas, apresentam um movimento impregnado pelo fascismo e pelo anti-semitismo. A maioria dos camisas-verdes que escreveram artigos para o "Cidade de Olympia", deixou clara sua adesão à A.I.B. por considerar o movimento uma cópia do fascismo e por adotar a posição anti-semita. Por outro lado, o movimento integralista em Olímpia ignorou o fato de atuar numa região de vida rural e teve uma inserção no campo insignificante. Mesmo portador de um discurso fascista, os integralistas do sertão, profissionais liberais em sua maioria, preferiram elitizar esse discurso, desprezar ações de mobilização das massas e perpetuar uma relação de "compadrio" com os coronéis que dominavam a vida política em Olímpia, constituindo, assim, uma espécie de "fascio de intelectuais" / Abstract: The Brazilian Integralist Action was formed in the decade of 1930, at the most important right political movement and at the first mass party of the country. Influenced by the Italian Fascist Ideology, the Brazilian Integralist Action created cores spread all over Brazil, like in the city of Olimpia, embedded in the 30s, then called "Sertão" (a less inhabited part in a country) of São Paulo. The Integralist Action Municipal Core was founded in 1934 by Ruy do Amaral and had in the newspaper "Cidade de Olympia" a type of non-official spokesman of the movement. Between 1932 and 1937, the weekly paper published 93 articles and news of the most diverse shades about the integralist movement, including an aggrieved interview with Plínio Salgado. It is from the analysis of these articles and news and the oral history of two of the main "green-shirts" from "Sertão", Ruy do Amaral e Italo Galli, that it was possible to re-create part of the history of an Integralist Action Municipal Core at the inland country. The written texts, as well as the interviews, present a movement permeated by the Fascism and by the Anti-Semitism. Most of the "green-shirts" who wrote articles for the "Cidade de Olympia", made clear their adhesion to the Brazilian Integralist Action for considering the movement a copy of fascism and for adopting the anti-semit position. On the other hand, the integralist movement in Olimpia ignored the fact of acting in a rural life region, and had an insignificant insertion in the country life. Even holding a fascist speech, the integralist from "Sertão", liberal professionals mostly, preferred to select this speech, disregard mass mobilization actions and perpetuate a "compadrio"relation (close relation) with the Colonels who dominated the political life in Olimpia, building up, this way, a kind of "intelectual fascio" / Mestre

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No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Gelson Leonardo Rech_Tese.pdf: 16348091 bytes, checksum: 38f13da71eafd4ea5d5835e45377493c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-22 / Sem bolsa / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo investigar as escolas étnicas italianas na cidade de Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul, no período compreendido entre 1877, marco da fundação da Sociedade Italiana Vittorio Emanuele II, e 1938, quando ocorreu o fechamento dessas instituições. Na esteira da História Cultural, a partir de fontes arquivísticas e periódicos, busca-se analisar o processo de constituição dessas escolas e de sua cultura escolar articulado à construção da italianidade e de sua defesa. Procura-se, também, demonstrar que, em Porto Alegre, ocorreu uma trajetória duradoura de manutenção e de preservação da escola étnica. Nesse contexto, pretende-se ressaltar o fato de as sociedades italianas, juntamente à representação consular sediada na capital, terem sido as instituições que lideraram e articularam as principais iniciativas escolares, formando, na década de 1930, uma rede escolar sob a égide da ideologia fascista. O processo histórico de constituição das escolas da capital foi marcado por distintas compreensões da italianidade e por diferentes fases. Pelo conjunto dos dados analisados, foi possível estabelecer ao menos três períodos: de 1877 até 1913; de 1914 até 1928; e de 1928 até 1938. Salienta-se que o período de 1928 a 1938 foi caracterizado pela retomada da italianidade na perspectiva do fascismo, o qual, entre várias estratégias, introduziu o ensino gratuito da língua italiana nos ginásios da capital e instituiu uma Direção Didática única para as escolas étnicas ligadas ao Consulado Geral da Itália em Porto Alegre, culminando na reorganização das instituições de ensino existentes e na abertura de novas escolas. Destaca-se, nesse último período, a constituição de uma rede escolar ítalo-brasileira, basicamente subsidiada pelo Governo Italiano e apoiada pelo Governo Brasileiro, caracterizada por um conjunto de atividades e de programas comuns, por uma unidade de orientação e de acompanhamento, por professores e por materiais didáticos enviados da Itália, visando à formação de “perfeitos balillas e bons italianos”. / The aim of this work is to investigate Italian ethnic schools in the city of Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul, in the period between 1877, year of foundation of Italian Society Vittorio Emanuele II, and 1938, when these institutions were closed. In the wake of Cultural History, articulating archival and newspaper sources, it searches to analyse the process of constitution of these schools and their school culture articulated with the construction of Italianity and its defence. It was, also, tried to demonstrate that, in Porto Alegre, there was a long-lasting process of maintenance and preservation of ethnic school. In this context, it is important to highlight the fact that Italian societies, together with consular representation located in this capital city, were the institutions, which led and articulated the main school initiatives forming, in the thirties, a school net under the aegis of fascist ideology. The historic process of constitution of such schools, in Porto Alegre, was marked by different forms of understanding Italianity, and by different phases. By the analysed set of data, it was possible to establish, at least, three periods: from 1877 to 1913; from 1914 to 1928, and from 1928 to 1938. It is highlighted that the period of 1928 to 1938 was characterized by a revival of Italianity, in the perspective of fascism, which, among many strategies, introduced free teaching of Italian language at secondary schools of the capital, and instituted a sole Didactics Direction for ethnic schools linked to the General Consulate of Italy in Porto Alegre. This culminated in the reorganization of existing elementary Italian schools, and in the opening of new schools. The constitution of an Italian-Brazilian school net, in this last period, basically subsidized by Italian government and supported by Brazilian government, was characterized by a range of common activities and programs, by a unity in orientation and follow-up, by teachers and by didactic materials sent from Italy, aiming at education of “perfeitos balillas e bons italianos” (“balilla and good Italian majors”).

This study explores the relationship between fascism, fascist ideas, and environmental consciousness in Britain during the pre- and post-World War II decades. In examining this topic, two main questions arise. First, why did fascist intellectuals support environmentally conscious ideas, and how did they relate these positions to their political ideologies? Second, why were many environmentally conscious thinkers during this period attracted to fascism? This thesis will also address several related issues regarding fascism and environmental consciousness. These issues include what role environmental concerns played in the British Union of Fascist’s platforms and in fascism’s public appeal, and how that role changed as the party’s needs and goals changed. This project also addresses how former members of the BUF drew attention to environmental issues after World War II, and how such ideas related to broader environmental discussions taking place in Britain at the time.

Sabaudia, « città di fondazione » italienne, est fondée en 1933, sous le régime fasciste. Elle fait partie du projet d’aménagement du territoire des marais Pontins, qui vise à assainir cette zone et à la doter d’un réseau de villes et de bourgs. Sabaudia va être qualifiée de « rationaliste », de « moderne », à la fois par la qualité de son plan, ouvert sur le paysage, et par son architecture.Notre attention s’est portée sur un ensemble d’indices concernant la réception de Sabaudia ; dès sa création se manifestent des confrontations entre les points de vue des architectes et ceux d’autres acteurs, notamment les politiques. La dévalorisation que connaît la ville suite à l’effondrement du régime fasciste est assez vite contrebalancée par les prises de positions, dans les années 60-70, de plusieurs intellectuels italiens engagés. L’intérêt des historiens pour la ville dont Bruno Zevi avait été le précurseur dès 1950, s’amplifie dans les années 80, ceci jusqu’à maintenant. À partir des années 2000, la ville connaît une mise en valeur de ses édifices, une patrimonialisation, qui reste néanmoins fragile, malgré la mise en place d’un parcours rationaliste et la restauration de certains de ses bâtiments.Ce travail de thèse, qui vise à écrire le récit d’une ville, contribue à explorer sous un autre angle le champ de la culture architecturale. Avec la notion de réception, nous cherchons à comprendre comment Sabaudia en traversant différentes périodes et critiques s’est trouvée impliquée dans une histoire plus globale, celle de l’Italie et de son rapport à l’architecture et à l’urbanisme. / The town of Sabaudia was built between 1933 and 1934 in the Pontine Marshes, Italy. It forms part of a sanitization and country-planning project led by the fascist regime. Its architecture is classified as «rationalist», «modern» by the quality of its plan, open towards the landscape and its architecture.Since its creation, its architecture has had an international impact and has given rise to deep confrontations between politicians and upholders of the architectural Modern Movement. After the war and the regime’s collapse, the city is depreciated but the positions of committed italian intellectuals during the 60’s-70’s change it. Historian’s interest, led by Bruno Zevi in 1950, has grown up from the 80’s until now. From the 2000s, the buildings of the city are promoted, registered as a common cultural heritage. However, despite the establishment of an urban rationalist route and the restoration of some of its buildings, this legacy is still fragile.This PhD dissertation aims at writing the story of a city, and at exploring in a different perspective the architectural culture. With the notion of reception, I try to understand how Sabaudia has gone throught different periods and critics, how it has been involved in a global history, the history of the Italy itself and its relation with architecture and urban planning. / Sabaudia, città di fondazione italiana è stata creata nel 1933, durante il regime fascista. Fa parte del progetto di bonificazione e di pianificazione dell’Agro Pontino. La città è stata definitia come «razionalista» a causa del suo piano, aperto sul paesaggio ed alla sua architettura «metafisica».La mia ricerca si é concentrata su diversi elementi che riguardano la fortuna critica della città ; a partire della sua creazione ci sono dei dibattiti tra i punti di vista degli architetti e quelli di altri attori, in particolar modo dei politici.La città conosce un deprezzamento dopo la caduta del regime che è velocemente contrastato negli anni 60-70 dalle posizioni di alcuni intellettuali italiani impegnati.L’interesse degli storici per la città - Bruno Zevi ne era stato il precursore fin da 1950 - cresce negli anni 1980, fino ad oggi. Dagli anni 2000, gli edifici della città sono promossi, e diventano anzi patrimonio (sebbene fragile) con l’istituzione d’un percorso urbanistico razionalista ed il restauro di alcuni edifici.Questa tesi di dottorato ha lo scopo di scrivere la storia d’una città, l’esplorazione di un altro punto di vista sulla cultura architettonica. Con la nozione di ricezione, cerco di capire come Sabaudia attraverso parrecchi momenti critici è stata coinvolta in una storia più globale, quella dell’Italia e del suo rapporto all’architettura ed all’urbanistica.

This thesis deals with the conservatively authoritarian collaboration movement led by the so-called State President of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, Emil Hácha, who belongs to the controversial figures of our modern history. The thesis is concerned with Hácha's ideological orientation as a radical conservative and with the historicist concept of the Czech statehood as the two main bases of his approach to collaboration on whose grounds the policy of actual cooperation with the Nazi occupiers was realised. In connection with Hácha's specific type of collaboration, emphasis is placed on his negative relationship with the first independent Czechoslovak Republic and its liberal democratic regime, and, on the other hand, on his friendly relationship with the Greater German Reich and supra-state systems in general. In order to demonstrate the practice of E. Hácha's policies, attention is paid to the President's and his supporters' loyal pro-German speeches, activities of the organisations founded by Hácha -- Národní souručenství (National Community) and Český svaz pro spolupráci s Němci (Czech Union for Cooperation with Germans) -- and Hácha's attitude towards the Czech resistance movement. The thesis also depicts the change of Hácha's leading position in the autonomous administration of the Protectorate in connection with the Nazi intentions that were put into practice in the Czech area from his election to the end of the war. Another aim of the thesis, in order to assess in detail the form of the President's pro-German cooperation, is to compare Hácha's group with the Czech fascist movement, and the collaborating journalists around E. Moravec. The primary focus is on the ideological conflict and political struggle for power among the collaborative movements, their different attitudes to the German occupation administration, and their exploitability by Nazi policies in the Protectorate. The final part of the thesis deals with opinions of contemporary society on E. Hácha's Protectorate policies, including reactions of the resistance at home and abroad. On this basis, the post-war statements given by the representatives of Hácha's collaboration movement to the National Court in the process of "national cleansing" are compared with their actual activities during the time of the occupation. The thesis draws from archive materials, contemporary printed sources, and scholarly literature that covers the topic of collaboration in the Protectorate.

The aim of the doctoral thesis is an analysis of the ideas and political activities of Jan Scheinost (1896-1964), a journalist and skilful backstage policymaker who was also known as an ideologist of Czech fascism. The thesis presents and analyses primarily those texts and activities of this controversial personality which were somehow unique, typical or atypical for the Czechoslovak political and intellectual scene of the First and Second Republic, i.e. from the 1920s to the period of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The influential Catholic journalist Scheinost is often connected not only with conservative traditional Catholicism but also with Fascism in academic literature. However, the thesis tries to prove that throughout his career, Jan Scheinost was always mainly looking for the most suitable movement or political party for putting into practice his aggressive Catholic ideas. At the same time the thesis also follows the historical, cultural and media context in which has Scheinost, as the editor in chief of the daily Lidové listy, acted. Scheinost, as a convinced nationalist and Catholic, joined the Czechoslovak People's Party at the beginning of the 1920s, but this party was not conservative enough for him, and he also felt that it made too many compromises. That is why he...

This thesis will deal with a topic of the second Czechoslovak republic as a case of authoritarian situation, which transforms into authoritarian regime. The regime of the second republic will be compared with similar cases of interwar Portugal and Austria. Also, conditions of establishing democracy and its preservation, the influence of individual branches of the nondemocratic right on breakdown of democracy, authoritarian situation and building of authoritarian regime will be analyzed. In the end, this thesis will focus on cases of borrowing elements of fascist political style by mentioned regimes.

When the famous African-American actor and singer Paul Robeson played the lead in Shakespeare's Othello in London in 1930, tickets were in high demand during the production's first week. The critical response, however, was less positive, although the reviews unanimously praised his bass-baritone delivery. When Robeson again played Othello on Broadway thirteen years later, critics praised not only his voice but also his acting, the drama running for 296 performances. My argument concerning Robeson uses elements first noted by Henri Lefebvre in his seminal work, The Production of Space, while I also draw on Paul Connerton's work on commemorative practices. Using spatial and memorial theories as a backdrop for examining his two portrayals, I suggest that Robeson's nascent geopolitical awareness following the 1930 production, combined with his already celebrated musical voice, allowed him to perform the role more dramatically in 1943.