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An analysis of Soviet history and political thought in the context of imperialism and colonialism This study attempts to clarify problems with dominant liberal narratives and historiography relating to the Soviet Union, particularly relating to questions of empire and colonialism, and instead platforms Third World Marxists and other anti-imperialist scholars and revolutionaries whose views have been effectively sidelined and stifled. By tracing the history of political thought around these questions from pre-revolutionary Marxists through to Cold War era anti-colonial and pan-African scholars and revolutionaries alongside developments in the dynamic and forms of imperialism, and by situating anti-colonial nationalisms in the context of worldmaking rather than state building, this text aims to contribute to analyses of Soviet policy and its relationship to the global history of decolonisation in the 20th Century. This work identifies serious theoretical and ideological deficiencies in existing literature and concludes that concise definitions of imperialism and empire such as those used by V.I. Lenin and Kwame Nkrumah are not consistent with commonly held beliefs about the role played by the Soviet Union in the history of anti-colonial and national liberation movements. Western liberal literature on this subject has suffered significantly as a result of political and ideological prejudices stemming directly from the US Cold War victory and psychological warfare campaigns targeting communist and anti-colonial movements to this end. My research indicates that misidentification and misuse of terms relating to empire and colonialism pose serious obstacles and risks to present and future efforts geared towards global peace and equality which add urgency to the correction of mistakes both in scholarly and popular historical, political, and cultural approaches to interpretations of Soviet history. / Graduate

L’objet de cette thèse porte sur le charisme et la crise de succession en régime charismatique. À l’aide d’éléments théoriques puisés chez Max Weber et ses successeurs, on tente de faire un bilan, une synthèse des recherches passées et celles en cours, et de proposer notre propre compréhension du pouvoir charismatique et la question de son utilité. En effet, bien que le concept de charisme soit largement utilisé et discuté par les théoriciens du pouvoir et du leadership, il demeure encore une énigme majeure des sciences sociales, politiques et juridiques. Ainsi, persuadé de sa pertinence comme principe de légitimation du pouvoir politique, on tente d’explorer plus en avant certains de ses aspects négligés ou insuffisamment élaborés, afin de proposer une vue d’ensemble sur la question. L’illustration de ses grandes figures historiques les plus marquantes comme Mussolini, Hitler, Khomeiny, de Gaulle, Mao, Houphouët, Nkrumah nous permet d’entrevoir ses vertus et ses vices, mettant également en avant les crises de succession en régime charismatique avec leurs différentes solutions. / The purpose of this thesis deals with the charisma and the succession crisis in charismatic regime. With the help of theoretical elements drawn from Max Weber and his successors, we try to make an assessment, a summary of previous researches and those in progress, and propose our own understanding of charismatic power and the question of its usefulness. Indeed, although the concept of charisma is widely used and discussed by the theorists of power and leadership, it remains a major conundrum of social science, political and legal. So convinced of its relevance as a principle of legitimation of political power, we attempt to further explore some aspects neglected or insufficiently developed to provide an overview of the issue. The illustration of these great historical figures, the most significant, like Mussolini, Hitler, Khomeini, De Gaulle, Mao, Houphouët, and Nkrumah gives a glimpse of its virtues and its vices, thus highlighting the crises of succession in charismatic regime with their different solutions.

Dès 1919, la France et l’Italie se tournent vers l’espace balkanique et danubien, issu de l’effondrement des empires multinationaux, pour assurer leur sécurité et leur puissance. Alors que la question adriatique éloigne les deux pays, ils trouvent un consensus provisoire sur l’Europe danubienne : ni Anschluss, ni confédération danubienne. Ce modus vivendi va cependant voler en éclats à partir de 1924, lorsque la volonté française de mieux organiser son système d’alliances rencontre le révisionnisme fasciste. L’une et l’autre puissance tentent de surmonter les difficultés internationales créées par le mouvement pour l’Anschluss, l’opposition de la Petite Entente et de la Hongrie, le statut de la Yougoslavie, mais la divergence de leurs représentations sur ce que devait être un concert européen rénové empêcha toute collaboration. Leur confrontation favorisa la déstabilisation de l’Europe balkanique et danubienne : le lien entre les deux phénomènes éclata au grand jour lors des négociations économiques pour la reconstruction de l’Europe entre 1931 et 1933. Dans le sillage de ces dernières, le Pacte à quatre fut conçu par la diplomatie française comme une occasion d’arrimer l’Italie à la vision française de l’organisation du continent, tandis que Mussolini en faisait la première étape d’un bouleversement de l’ordre issu des traités de paix : l’Europe balkanique et danubienne fut le grand enjeu tacite du Pacte à quatre. / By 1919, France and Italy look to the Balkan and Danubian Region, shaped by the collapse of multinational empires, to ensure their safety and power. While the Adriatic question drives away the two countries, they find a temporary consensus on Danubian Europe: neither Anschluss, nor Danubian confederation. This modus vivendi is however shattered in 1924 when the French desire to better organize its system of alliances meets fascist revisionism. Both powers try to overcome the difficulties created by the international movement for the Anschluss, the opposition of the Little Entente and Hungary, the status of Yugoslavia, but their divergent representations of what should be a renovated European concert prevent any collaboration. Their confrontation promotes the destabilization of the Balkans and the Danubian Region : the link between the two phenomenons breaks out in the open during the negotiations for the economic reconstruction of Europe between 1931 and 1933. In the wake of these, the Four Power Pact was designed by French diplomacy as an opportunity to tie Italy to the French vision of the organization of the continent, while Mussolini figures it as the first step in the disruption of the order created by the peace treaties: the Balkans and Danube was the great unspoken issue of the Four Power Pact.

Dante Alighieri is, undoubtedly, an enduring feature of the cultural memory of generations of Italians. His influence is such that the mere mention of a ‘dark wood’ or ‘life’s journey’ recalls the poet and his most celebrated work, the Divina Commedia. This study, however, seeks to examine the construction of the medieval Florentine poet, exemplified by the above assertion, as a potent symbol of the Italian nation. From the creation of the idea of the Italian nation during the Risorgimento, to the Liberal ruling elite’s efforts after 1861 to legitimise the new Italian nation state, and more importantly to ‘make Italians’, to the rise of a more imperialist conception of nationalism in the early twentieth century and its most extreme expression under the Fascist regime, Dante was made to play a significant role in defining, justifying and glorifying the Italian nation. Such an exploration of the utilisation of Dante in the construction of Italian national identity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries aids considerably in an understanding of the conceptualisation of the Italian nation, of the issues engendered by the establishment of the Italian nation state, and the evolution of these processes throughout the period in question. The various images of Dante revealed by this investigation of his instrumentalisation in the Italian process of nation-building bear only a fleeting resemblance to what is known of the poet in his medieval reality. Dante was born in 1265 to a family of modest means and standing in Florence, at that time the economic centre of Europe, and one of the most important cities of the Italian peninsula. His writings disclosed, however, that he was little impressed by his city’s prestige and wealth, being instead greatly disturbed by its political discord and instability, of which he became an unfortunate victim. The violent partisan conflict in Florence and the turbulent political condition of the Italian peninsula in the late thirteenth century had a decisive influence on Dante’s life and literary endeavours.

La tesi ha lo scopo di inquadrare Giordani nel contesto del mondo culturale cattolico tra le due guerre e di approfondire la sua proposta di «cristianesimo integrale» come soluzione alla crisi che negli anni Venti e Trenta viziò il mondo economico, il sistema politico e lo scenario culturale, a livello di principi fondamentali, di valori. Per questo si è dato assoluto rilievo ai rapporti di Giordani con molti intellettuali suoi contemporanei e con varie istituzioni culturali cattoliche. Il testo segue dapprima un indirizzo biografico, che permette di ripercorrere la vita di Giordani dalla giovinezza, segnata dalla guerra e dall’esperienza al fronte, alla sua serena fine, nel 1980. Si tratta di una testimonianza di come la sua conseguenzialità tra fede e opere abbia inciso negli ambienti che lo hanno visto protagonista, tanto che è stato avviato per lui il processo di beatificazione. La ricerca è stata condotta tenendo conto degli scritti di Giordani e della storiografia precedente, ma soprattutto utilizzando numerosi materiali d’archivio. In particolare i carteggi privati aiutano a ricostruire l’operato di Giordani a favore dell’impegno degli intellettuali cattolici negli anni oscuri del fascismo e la sua indefessa attività per la realizzazione di un nuovo umanesimo. Altro spazio è stato riservato ai rapporti maturati da Giordani con due esponenti del mondo cattolico italiano di quel periodo, ovvero Giovanni Papini e Piero Bargellini. / This dissertation aims at setting Igino Giordani within the broader framework of the catholic cultural environment between the two world wars. It focuses on his proposal of an «integral Christianity» as a solution to the recession which threatened the fundamental values and principles of the economy, politics and culture during the 1920's and 1930's. This is the reason why the relationships between Giordani and many of his colleagues and cultural catholic institutions have been studied in depth. The work starts with a biography, underlining how Giordani's youth has been affected by the war and the experience as a soldier, up to his peaceful death, in 1980. His life shows how the consistency of his actions with his faith made him an influent personality in his working environments, to the point that the beatification process has begun. The research is based on Giordani's writings and on the previous historiography, but the most important source is constituted by a large number of archive documents. Particularly, Giordani's private correspondence has been very useful in understanding how he acted in order to support the engagement of the catholic intellectuals during the dark fascist age and his endless activity in order to build a new humanism. The work also focuses on the relationships between Giordani and two members of the Italian catholic world of the time: Giovanni Papini and Piero Bargellini.

Le monde aéronautique a connu un essor significatif durant les premières décennies du XXe siècle. Propulsé par des avancées technologiques sans précédents, l’aéronautique fut rapidement omniprésente dans tous les secteurs de la vie et de la culture européennes. De la figure du pilote d’aéroplane émergea subtilement, puis avec force, l’image d’un homme robuste et valeureux qui personnifiait son pays. Trouvant un réceptacle favorable dans les héros nés de la Grande Guerre, les gouvernements totalitaires qui émergèrent façonnèrent le pilote comme l’avatar d’un homme idéal. L’imaginaire européen du premier tiers du XXe siècle vit alors naitre « l’homme volant », une facette de « l’homme nouveau », incarnant la grandeur de sa nation. / Aeronautics underwent a significant development during the first decades of the 20th century. Helped by new technological advancements aeronautics quickly became omnipresent in all sectors of the European life and culture. From the figure of the airplane’s pilot emerged subtly, then with strength, the image of a strong and brave man personifying his country. Finding a favorable receptacle in the Great War’s heroes, the totalitarian governments shaped the pilot as the avatar of an ideal man. The European imagination of the first third of the 20th century gave birth to the "flying man", a facet of the “new man”, embodying the greatness of its nation.

Cette thèse a pour objectif d'étudier le monde journalistique turinois sous le régime fasciste, et en particulier lors de la deuxième décennie du régime. Cette période, coïncidant avec la montée et la consolidation du consensus (1929-1936) avant une remise en question progressive (1936-1940), est pour le journalisme italien celle de l'instauration progressive du contrôle de la profession par le régime. La répression, puis la mise au pas de la presse nationale et régionale, la création de structures de contrôle, particulièrement avec le Syndicat national fasciste des journalistes et son albo ou le ministère de la Culture populaire, l'uniformisation et l’institutionnalisation de la presse, notamment pour des usages propagandistes, bouleversent le monde journalistique et ses acteurs. Il s'agit dès lors de se focaliser sur les parcours collectifs et individuels de ces journalistes, en prenant comme laboratoire d'étude la ville de Turin. Les influences politiques, sociales et culturelles font en effet de cette ville un lieu particulier pour le fascisme, difficile à « normaliser ». Turin possède par ailleurs deux des plus importants journaux du pays (la Gazzetta del Popolo et La Stampa). L'étude prosopographique des 278 journalistes identifiés permet de mettre en perspective des caractéristiques sociales particulières, notamment en terme d'origine géographique ou de niveau d'instruction. De même, en s’intéressant aux liens avec le monde politique local et national, elle éclaire les frontières mouvantes entre politique et journalisme et permet de replacer la question du journalisme dans le cadre plus large du régime fasciste et particulièrement de ses ambiguïtés, entre contrôle, surveillance et répression d'un côté et les limites du totalitarisme de l'autre. L'étude prosopographique met également en évidence une continuité certaine, en terme de rédacteurs, entre le journalisme de l'époque libérale et celui de l'époque fasciste, remettant en question l'image d'une « épuration » sévère et totale de la profession. Dès lors, la question de la place nouvelle génération de journalistes, formés techniquement et imprégnés d'idéologie fasciste et dont la création était chère à certains hiérarques fascistes, Ermanno Amicucci en tête, prend tout son sens. Enfin, la seconde partie de la thèse s’intéresse à quelques parcours singuliers et itinéraires comparés, permettant d’illustrer une partie de la diversité des attitudes des journalistes turinois confrontés au régime fasciste et à sa volonté d'instituer un « nouveau modèle de journalisme ». Ces parcours se proposent ainsi d'éclairer plus spécifiquement certains aspects centraux de l'univers journalistique durant le régime, abordant notamment l'épuration des années 1927-1931 (avec par exemple Gino Pestelli, Leo Galetto ou Santi Savarino), les liens avec le monde politique local (Angelo Appiotti, Leo Rea) ou même la question des lois raciales (Deodato Foà). Entre relative résistance et renoncement, entre acceptation et tractations, entre illusions et pragmatisme, ces trajectoires biographiques mettent alors au jour des postures diverses dont les croisements, les stratégies, les contenus s'insèrent dans un cadre bien plus large, celui du ventennio fasciste et de ses tragédies. / This work studies the turinese journalistic world during fascist system, especially the second decade. This decade coincide with the rise of the consensus (1929-1936) before the first time of contestation (1936-1940). The italian journalism is more and more controlled by the political authorities. The repression of the national and regional papers, and then the organization, standardization and institutionalization of the press, change drastically the journalism background. In view of this, this work focuses on collective and individual trajectories, with Turin as study place. The political, social and cultural influences of Turin make this city a particular place for the fascism, hard to “normalize”, and which possess two of the principal papers of the country (the Gazzetta del Popolo and La Stampa). The prosopographical study of the 278 identify journalists allows to put in perspective social characteristics (geographical origins, level of schooling etc...). The national and regional political connections light up the moving mark between politic and journalism and allow to replace the journalism question in the ampler setting of fascist regime and his ambiguities (between control, surveillance and repression, on one hand, and limits of totalitarianism of the other hand). The prosopographical study shows also a clear continuity of journalist between liberal and fascist periods, which questions the image of a harsh and total “purge” of the profession. In this context, the question of the place of the new journalistic generation, technically formed and permeated of fascist ideology, like Ermanno Amicucci and other fascist figures wanted, is central. Finally, the second part of the study takes an interest in a few singular trajectories and compared itineraries, which allows to illustrate a part of the diversity of turinese journalist attitudes, confronted with a regime who wants to institute a “new journalism model”. This trajectories intend to light up more specifically some of central aspects of journalistic world during the regime, like the purge of the years 1927-1931 (with for example Gino Pestelli, Leo Galetto or Santi Savarino),, the connections with local politic world (Angelo Appiotti, Leo Rea) or the racial laws and their impact (Deodoato foà). Between opposition and resignation, acceptation and negotiation, illusions and pragmatism, this biographical trajectories expose some varied positions, insert into a ampler context, which is the fascist ventennio, and his tragedies.

The key research question of my diploma thesis deals with the problem of whether the President of the Czech Republic Milos Zeman creates the same discourse as far-right political parties in the Czech Republic. The research concerns the social discourse surrounding the current migration crisis facing Europe. In this connection, there is a discourse analysis of the themes of migration, Islam, terrorism, external and internal actors. This research is conducted on the basis of the theory of binaries from Teun Van Dijk, which can be applied to a populist political style characterized by President Zeman and extreme right-wing political parties, among which are analyzed the Workers' Party of Social Justice, National Democracy, Dawn - the National Coalition, Freedom And Direct Democracy - Tomio Okamura and the Citizens' Rights Party. Research data is collected from President Zeman's official communications channels and political parties, including official websites and social networks. Based on a discourse analysis of their political views, it is possible to compare President Zeman and the extreme right-wing parties to each topic and to conclude whether they speak the same or differently about these themes.

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