A presente investigação surgiu da constatação de entrecruzamentos entre os discursos visuais da Mostra da Revolução Fascista (Roma, 1932-34) e do pavilhão soviético na Exposição Internacional de Imprensa de Colônia (Alemanha, 1928). Tais entrecruzamentos - reforçados e consubstanciados por contatos concretos entre hierarcas do fascismo e do stalinismo - levaram, a partir dos materiais visuais selecionados, à investigação de problemáticas comuns aos dois regimes, como a industrialização acelerada tardia, a expansão produtiva e o culto do chefe. Nesse sentido, as reflexões de A. Gramsci e W. Benjamin acerca da \"revolução passiva\" e da \"estetização da política\", respectivamente, constituíram constructos crítico-teóricos cruciais no desenvolvimento reflexivo da investigação. O objetivo da pesquisa de doutorado, em síntese, foi examinar e refletir sobre o protagonismo da fotografia como instrumento de reprodução simbólica e dominação, tanto na Itália fascista e quanto na URSS stalinista. / The present research emerged from the perception of intersections in the language field between the Exhibition of Fascist Revolution (Rome, 1932-1934) and the Soviet Pavilion at the International Press Exhibition (Cologne, 1928). These intersections - strengthened and substantiated by concrete interactions between Fascist and Stalinist hierarchs - lead also to a research, based in selected visual material, about common problems for both regimes such as a catch-up industrialization, production expansion and the cult of the leader´s personality. In this sense, Antonio Gramsci\'s reflections on the notion of \"passive revolution\" and Walter Benjamin\'s on the \"aestheticization of politics\" emerged as fundamental critical-theoretical contributions. In short, the aim of this doctoral research was to analyse and reflect about the protagonism of photography as an instrument for symbolic reproduction and domination, both in the Fascist Italy and in the Stalinist URSS.

The thesis deals with right-wing extremism in the context of democracy. In the first part, democracy, its development and basic values are characterised. The following part describes extremism and its rudimentary typology, historical roots of right-wing extremism and its strategy. The final part focuses on the fight of democracy against extremism. In this part, possible anti-extremist measures are proposed, including critical reflections on the principles of right-wing extremism. Furthermore, a concept of so-called militant democracy is introduced, along with the analysis of its application in the Czech Republic and its critical reflection.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2004-09-30Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:54:38Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 ribeiro_ia_me_fran.pdf: 1883453 bytes, checksum: 949727bbb0c4c6d2728224efc9bda977 (MD5) / Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP) / A Ação Integralista Brasileira constituiu-se na década de 1930, no mais importante movimento político de direita e no primeiro partido de massa do país. Influenciada pela ideologia fascista italiana, a A.I.B. criou núcleos espalhados por todo o Brasil, como na cidade de Olímpia, encravada nos anos 30 no então sertão de São Paulo. O núcleo municipal da Ação Integralista foi fundado em 1934 por Ruy do Amaral e teve no jornal “Cidade de Olympia” uma espécie de porta-voz não oficial do movimento. Entre 1932 e 1937, o semanário publicou 93 artigos e notícias dos mais diversos matizes sobre o movimento integralista, inclusive uma contundente entrevista com Plínio Salgado. É a partir da análise desses artigos e notícias e da história oral de dois dos principais camisas-verdes do sertão, Ruy do Amaral e Ítalo Galli, que tornou-se possível reconstruir parte da história de um núcleo municipal da Ação Integralista no interior do país. Tanto os textos escritos como as entrevistas, apresentam um movimento impregnado pelo fascismo e pelo anti-semitismo. A maioria dos camisas-verdes que escreveram artigos para o “Cidade de Olympia”, deixou clara sua adesão à A.I.B. por considerar o movimento uma cópia do fascismo e por adotar a posição anti-semita. Por outro lado, o movimento integralista em Olímpia ignorou o fato de atuar numa região de vida rural e teve uma inserção no campo insignificante. Mesmo portador de um discurso fascista, os integralistas do sertão, profissionais liberais em sua maioria, preferiram elitizar esse discurso, desprezar ações de mobilização das massas e perpetuar uma relação de “compadrio” com os coronéis que dominavam a vida política em Olímpia, constituindo, assim, uma espécie de “fascio de intelectuais”. / The Brazilian Integralist Action was formed in the decade of 1930, at the most important right political movement and at the first mass party of the country. Influenced by the Italian Fascist Ideology, the Brazilian Integralist Action created cores spread all over Brazil, like in the city of Olimpia, embedded in the 30s, then called “Sertão” (a less inhabited part in a country) of São Paulo. The Integralist Action Municipal Core was founded in 1934 by Ruy do Amaral and had in the newspaper “Cidade de Olympia” a type of non-official spokesman of the movement. Between 1932 and 1937, the weekly paper published 93 articles and news of the most diverse shades about the integralist movement, including an aggrieved interview with Plínio Salgado. It is from the analysis of these articles and news and the oral history of two of the main “green-shirts” from “Sertão”, Ruy do Amaral e Italo Galli, that it was possible to re-create part of the history of an Integralist Action Municipal Core at the inland country. The written texts, as well as the interviews, present a movement permeated by the Fascism and by the Anti-Semitism. Most of the “green-shirts” who wrote articles for the “Cidade de Olympia”, made clear their adhesion to the Brazilian Integralist Action for considering the movement a copy of fascism and for adopting the anti-semit position. On the other hand, the integralist movement in Olimpia ignored the fact of acting in a rural life region, and had an insignificant insertion in the country life. Even holding a fascist speech, the integralist from “Sertão”, liberal professionals mostly, preferred to select this speech, disregard mass mobilization actions and perpetuate a “compadrio”relation (close relation) with the Colonels who dominated the political life in Olimpia, building up, this way, a kind of “intelectual fascio”.

Au cours des années 1930, l’État vaudois vit se développer, sur son territoire, de nombreux courants politiques remettant en cause sa légitimité ainsi que la forme de ses institutions. Il s’agissait des mouvements communistes à caractère révolutionnaire, d’une part, des groupuscules frontistes d’inspiration fasciste, d’autre part. Ces formations, par ailleurs antagonistes, défièrent les autorités de diverses manières et s’affrontèrent également dans l’espace public, dans la rue ou dans la presse. Enfin, la présence dans le canton de colonies italienne et allemande, corsetées par les cadres des partis nationaux, constitua alors un facteur inédit de subversion. Dans ces temps agités, les hommes présidant aux destinées du Pays de Vaud durent défendre l’ordre et la tranquillité publics tout en préservant, dans la mesure du possible, les droits et libertés du plus grand nombre. La présente recherche ambitionne de décrire l’attitude des pouvoirs exécutif, législatif et judiciaire face aux facteurs de troubles et d’agitation ayant parcouru la décennie. Elle analyse les menaces que représentèrent les forces subversives et met en lumière les mesures, préventives et répressives, adoptées par les autorités. Les lois et arrêtés, la correspondance des services de police ainsi que les rapports et notes des inspecteurs de la Sûreté constituent les sources principales de cette thèse. Celles-ci permettent de mettre en évidence la tendance, dans les différents cercles du pouvoir, à considérer de moins en moins les dangers concrets planant sur l’État démocratique, pour mener progressivement une politique emprunte d’autoritarisme et d’une volonté de défendre à tout prix le régime en place. / During the 1930s, the state of Vaud was a favourable ground to many political streams denying its legitimacy as well as the form of its institutions. On the one hand were communist and revolutionary movements, and on the other hand, small frontist groups, inspired by fascism. Besides, those antagonistic factions happened to challenge the authorities in different ways, and also confronted each other in public spaces, in the streets or in the press. At last, the presence of italian and german settlements in the canton, hindered by executives of national parties, appeared to be a new factor in subversion. In these turbulent times, the men who determined the fate of the canton of Vaud had to defend public order and tranquility, while conserving, as often as possible, rights and liberties of the greatest number. The present research strives to describe the behaviour of executive, legislative and judicial powers towards the factors of troubles that went through the decade. It analyses the threats that the subversive forces represented and highlights the preventive and repressive measures adopted by the authorities. Laws and decrees, correspondence of the police services, reports and notes left by the police officers, these are the main sources of this thesis. They bring to light the general trend, in each circle of power, towards less and less considering real dangers for the democratic state, in order to pursue a kind of authoritarian policy and to defend the existing regime at all costs.

The subject and main aim of this master's thesis, "Florence through the ages in selected works of Vasco Pratolini" is to introduce author writing in the 20th century, and his native city - Florence. We observe which means the author create the image of the city (places, characters, atmosphere, but also events) and how the image is changing over time, especially due to the historical - political context. We gradually introduce several faces of city of Florence. This thesis is based on three major works, three novels: Il quartiere (1943), Cronaca familiare (1947), Metello (1955). Key words Vasco Pratolini, Florence, quarter, Il quartiere, Cronaca familiare, Metello, transformation, city, inhabitants, political influences, unification, fascism

This diploma thesis named The Personality of Jan Rys as a journalist and his work in the Flag magazine describes the personality of Jan Rys in all aspects of his life and work. In the introductory part it is set into the historical context where the state of protectorate journalism is described focusing on illegal and collaborant and activistic journalists. Part of the chapter concentrates on subsequent retribution courts. Another chapter focuses on the historical context where the origin and formation of fascism in our country is described and concentrates also on antisemitism in a Protectorate. The main part is focused on the character of Jan Rys, while his work in Vlajka movement is described whose leader he was until 1942, when he was sent at first to Terezin and than to Dachau, where he stayed till the end of war as well as his literature and his journalistic work. In the journalistic work it deals mainly with journal the Vlajka in the period when Jan Rys was an editor in chief, attention is paid to Rys' articles and their focus. A separate chapter analyzes a court trial with Jan Rys and other representatives of Vlajka, the seventh chapter concludes with the judgement of the National Court, which sentenced him to death by hanging.

The literature has lacked a comparative analysis into Greece's Far Right party, Golden Dawn's, (GD) ideological discourse. The Far Right party is the most extreme in the Greek Parliament, promoting an ultra-nationalist agenda and being accused of operating as a terrorist organisation by the state. Looking at characteristics such as nationalism, euroscepticism and authoritarianism, this thesis compares GD to the prototypical radical right party, Front National (FN), and predicts that they will be more radical in every aspect of their discourse. In addition, it seeks to fit them within a party classification.

Please read the abstract in the section 07 back of this document / Dissertation (MA (Cultural History))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

Ce mémoire porte sur l’instrumentalisation politique de la figure du compositeur Giacomo Puccini (1858-1924) et de ses œuvres, plus spécifiquement Turandot (1926), pendant la période fasciste en Italie (1922-1945). Il traite de la dichotomie entre tradition et modernité présente dans la propagande culturelle fasciste, notamment dans la réappropriation du mythe de Puccini à la suite de son décès en 1924, puis de façon exacerbée dans l’utilisation politique de Turandot, plus particulièrement au moment de la création de l’opéra en 1926. Cette recherche repose sur l’étude de la presse italienne et des revues culturelles de l’époque afin d’analyser la manipulation du discours entourant la figure de Puccini. L’exploitation de son statut de compositeur national, le développement de son image d’homme du peuple et l’exaltation de son génie musical, vu à la fois comme universel et italien, ont permis aux représentants du régime d’héroïser Puccini selon les divers idéaux fascistes. Ultimement, ce mémoire vise à montrer comment Puccini a fait l’objet d’une récupération idéologique afin de favoriser un consensus populaire et une consolidation identitaire permettant la légitimation du pouvoir mussolinien. Ce cas de figure exemplifie les effets de la rhétorique et des mécanismes culturels d’une hégémonie totalitaire dans la vie musicale d’une nation. / This thesis explores the political appropriation of composer Giacomo Puccini (1858-1924) and his operas during the fascist period in Italy (1922-1945). It highlights the dichotomy created by the regime’s insistence on both tradition and modernity in its cultural propaganda, as mirrored in the reinterpretation of the myth surrounding Puccini after his death in 1924—particularly in the political use of Turandot after the opera’s 1926 premiere. Based on a detailed study of the Italian press of the time and of cultural magazines controlled by the regime, this research analyzes the manipulation of the discourse surrounding Puccini’s image in fascist Italy. Party members exploited Puccini’s myth by insisting on his status as a national Italian composer, his image as a man of the people, and his musical genius, considered as both universal and quintessentially Italian. Through this rhetoric, Puccini became a standard-bearer of fascist ideology, praised both as a composer of the great Italian opera tradition and as a highly modern creator. Ultimately, the aim of this thesis is to understand how Puccini was subjected to an ideological appropriation that legitimized fascist authority by fostering social consensus and establishing a strong Italian collective identity. Puccini’s case exemplifies the effects of a totalitarian regime’s rhetoric and cultural mechanisms on the musical life of a nation.

The presented thesis deals with the New Right in Germany and its current reception of the Conservative Revolution of the Weimar Republic. The thesis primarily focuses on the German New Right, which it aims to define by its references to ideological and political stances of the right-wing conservative and extremist movement of the Weimar Republic - the Conservative Revolution. Based on a detailed textual analysis of selected articles from the New Right's journal Sezession, the thesis presents the elementary worldviews of the New Right as well as its rhetoric and strategies. Furthermore, it is demonstrated how the New Right perceives the central ideas of the Conservative Revolution (anti- enlightenment, anti-liberalism, anti-democracy, anti-parliamentarism, advocacy of an authoritarian state concept and promotion of a homogenous society) and how it implicitly or explicitly employs these ideas for its argumentation. The thesis proved that the worldviews of the Conservative Revolution nowadays still function as an ideological reservoir of the New Right, meaning also that the New Right is theoretically little innovative and takes over and passes on a large part of the ideas of the intellectuals of the Conservative Revolution, which are currently one hundred years old.