L’antifascisme fait l’objet de nombreuses études sous sa forme historique, mais peu s’intéressent à son expression contemporaine. Afin de comprendre l’antifascisme dans le contexte montréalais, rencontrer les militants de cette lutte, acteurs de terrain de l’action, a semblé primordial. C’est donc en réalisant des entrevues semi-dirigées avec 5 militant(e)s antifascistes montréalais et par une courte recherche documentaire dans les ressources antifascistes montréalaises, que la compréhension de cette forme d’antifascisme a pu se construire. Cette recherche met en lumière une pluralité de portraits et de parcours militants auxquels la littérature sur le sujet , alors que les participants s’expriment sur leurs différents parcours, leur cheminement personnel ainsi que sur leurs motivations à s’engager. Ces discussions permettent de contextualiser l’engagement antifasciste dans le cadre spécifique du Québec au cours des 15 dernières années, tout en soulevant les défis des engagements militants. Par la même occasion, la rencontre des militant(es) met en avant la diversité des actions antifascistes ainsi que leurs enjeux, dont celui de la violence qui fait l’objet d’un traitement médiatique important. Cette recherche démontre que ce qui est présenté dans les médias ou la littérature sur l’antifascisme n’est que la pointe de l’iceberg et que la réalité du milieu est beaucoup plus complexe. / Anti-fascism is the object of many studies when it comes to its historical expression, but few focus on its modern expression. When seeking to understand modern anti-fascism in Montreal, meeting the militants of the movement, front actors of the actions, seemed to be of prime importance. The comprehension of this form of anti-fascism was achieved by conducting semi-directed interviews with 5 Montrealer anti-fascist activists and through a documentary search conducted on several Montreal anti-fascists key resources. This research highlights a plurality of portraits and militant journeys which are hardly referred to in the literature on anti-fascism, while the participants describe their different experiences, their personal journey and their motivations to get involved in the cause. These discussions help contextualizing anti-fascist engagement in Montréal, Quebec, by exploring its definitional and cultural frameworks, while addressing the challenges of militant engagement. Anti-fascist actions are explored with the activists and allow to map out their actions as well as their challenges and stakes, including the issue of violence. This research shows that what is presented in the media or literature about anti-fascism is only the tip of the iceberg and the reality of the milieu is much more complex.

For English-language audiences, twentieth-century French literature is often identified with a variety of literary movements tied to the political left. In spite of its lesser visibility, the French literary right enjoyed considerable prestige during the first half of the twentieth century. This thesis employs methodologies from translation studies in order to study how the French literary right has been translated, or not translated, into English. Case studies devoted to three seminal writers of the right, including Charles Maurras (1868-1952), Pierre Drieu la Rochelle (1893-1945), and Roger Nimier (1925-62), demonstrate that right-wing committed literature was a central mode of literary production from the 1910s to the 1950s and that this current of writing is underrepresented in English-language translation and scholarship. A number of literary and cultural asymmetries separating English-language literature from French literature have contributed to this situation, such as the phenomenon of literary engagement in French literature and France’s strong anti-liberal intellectual tradition. Using systems theory this thesis argues that these differences between the French and Anglophone literary systems have contributed to the lack of representation accorded to the French literary right, which is manifested in the selection, presentation, and translation of texts by right-wing authors such as Maurras, Drieu, and Nimier. When translations of texts by these authors do exist, a number of translation patterns emerge. These patterns and distortions have ramifications for the construction of literary canon and for our understanding of twentieth-century literary history and the role ideology plays in influencing high- and low-level translation decisions.

Au début du XXème siècle, l'espace urbain de Rhodes est marqué par la coexistence de sujets Orthodoxes, Musulmans, Juifs et Catholiques. En 1912, l’Italie occupe ce centre d’une province ottomane. Après le Traité de Lausanne de 1923, l’occupation militaire italienne devient une administration civile et Rhodes devient ainsi un protectorat de l’état fasciste. L’historiographie a traité cet objet d’étude soit en se concentrant sur une seule des communautés confessionnelles, soit sur les structures gouvernementales, et elle montre une tendance à voir les dernières années d’administration Ottomane et l’administration italienne comme deux objets d’analyse séparés. Cette thèse offre une approche plus inclusive à travers la combinaison de sources de type, langue, et origine différente. Situé au carrefour entre histoire sociale et culturelle, le récit est centré sur les trajectoires de vie d’individus appartenant aux différentes confessions et sur leur rapport avec les institutions pendant le passage de la domination ottomane à la domination italienne. À part les changements de pratiques de gouvernance au sein des institutions, il est possible d’observer à cette époque des diverses innovations relatives à l’espace et aux formes de socialisation. Cette thèse interroge cette double échelle de transformation à travers une perspective inspirée par les études en sciences sociales autour de la notion de génération et jeunesse. L’étude porte sur les pratiques de démarcation et circulation de ressources entre les différentes générations d’une famille. De plus, la recherche inclut les configurations qui s’étendent au-delà des limites de la famille mais qui sont influencées par les rapport entre générations, comme l’école, les associations, les partis. Dans le contexte étudié, les institutions locales essaient de réguler la divergence produite par le fait que, dans la plupart des familles, les enfant sont socialisés différemment par rapport à leur parents. Cela aboutit à une communalisation et à une étatisation des ressources, deux tendances qui persistent avec des modalités et des motifs différents, de la période ottomane à l’italienne. Le but de ce processus est de domestiquer des formes de sociabilité et il se penche sur l’évocation de la « jeunesse » comme objet de cette domestication. Ainsi, le terme « jeunesse » sert à prescrire des normes de conduite et à légitimer l’intervention institutionnelle dans la régulation de la gestion des ressources. / In the early twentieth century, the urban setting of Rhodes was characterized by the coexistence ofOrthodox, Muslims, Jews and Catholics. In 1912, this Ottoman provincial center was occupied by Italy.After the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, the Italian military occupation changed to a civil administration,and Rhodes became a protectorate of the Fascist state. The historiography has dealt with this settingeither by focusing on one confessional community, or on governmental structures, tending to see the lateOttoman and the Italian administration as two mutually exclusive objects of analysis. This dissertationoffers a more inclusive approach through the combination of sources of different origin, type, andlanguage. Situated at the crossroad of social and cultural history, the narrative is centered on lifetrajectories of individuals belonging to all confessions and their encounter with institutions from Ottomanto Italian rule. Next to changes in institutions and practices of governance, several innovations related tospaces and forms of socialization are observable in this period. This dissertation investigates such doublelevel of change through a perspective inspired by studies in social sciences about generations and youth.In other words, the study focuses on practices of demarcation and circulation of resources between thegenerations of a family. Additionally, figurations expanding outside the boundaries of a family – schools,associations, parties, etc. – but reflecting such generational interplay are taken into account. Since formost families children socialized differently from their parents, local institutions were concerned aboutregulating this divergence. The corresponding communalization and statalization of resources are trendspersisting, with different modalities and motives, from the Ottoman to the Italian period. This processaimed at domesticating forms of sociability, and it relied on evoking “youth” as the object of thisdomestication. Thus, the term “youth” served the purpose of prescribing norms of behavior andlegitimizing institutional intervention in regulating the management of resources.

This article suggests that the formal elements of Elizabeth Bowen's novel The Heat of the Day underscore both the changing practice of propaganda and the extant tension about Irish neutrality during World War II. Bowen has often been cited as an author who embraces opacity in her fiction, and often this practice is connected in her work to political tensions that she first experienced in Ireland as a result of colonial conflict. The article suggests that a similar strategy, at use in this London-based World War II novel about espionage, highlights this history of tension. Bowen's own position as an intermediary between the Ministry of Information and Irish public opinion provided her a keen insight into British strategy towards Ireland's neutrality. Her Blitz novel, The Heat of the Day, mirrors much of Bowen's formal techniques in her letters to the Ministry of Information, and this article suggests that this reflects the impact of modern propaganda techniques on her war-time novel.

This article suggests that the formal elements of Elizabeth Bowen's novel The Heat of the Day underscore both the changing practice of propaganda and the extant tension about Irish neutrality during World War II. Bowen has often been cited as an author who embraces opacity in her fiction, and often this practice is connected in her work to political tensions that she first experienced in Ireland as a result of colonial conflict. The article suggests that a similar strategy, at use in this London-based World War II novel about espionage, highlights this history of tension. Bowen's own position as an intermediary between the Ministry of Information and Irish public opinion provided her a keen insight into British strategy towards Ireland's neutrality. Her Blitz novel, The Heat of the Day, mirrors much of Bowen's formal techniques in her letters to the Ministry of Information, and this article suggests that this reflects the impact of modern propaganda techniques on her war-time novel.

My dissertation asserts that folklore under the Iberian fascist regimes portrayed a distorted mirror of the peoples of the Iberian Peninsula. In this operation, social deviance was a key category for political folklore in order to address wider audiences. Staging Deviant Traditions argues that the Spanish Francoist regime (1936/39-1975) and the Portuguese Estado Novo (1933-1974) utilized folklorists and folk performers who deviated from the social identities privileged by fascism. These folk ensembles reified traditional dance and music while deliberately ignoring the popular communities that produced and circulated vernacular repertoires. This dissertation not only places the Iberian politics of folklore within the broader frame of interwar fascist cultural policies but also follows the evolution of these politics during the Cold War by focusing on three cases: the Coros y Danzas of Sección Femenina, the Bailados Portugueses Verde Gaio, and the Ballet Gallego Rey de Viana. Staging Deviant Traditions begins by studying, in its Introduction, the politics of folklore under the Rome-Berlin Axis. Nazi Germany and fascist Italy massively institutionalized folklore through technology to control the narrative about the essence of the people and used tradition to construct a new fascist art through reactionary modernism. These experiences shaped the folklore of the time and inflected processes of traditional culture appropriation in the Iberian regimes, as explored in the three chapters that follow. In Chapter 1, “Coros y Danzas and the Political-Affective Reinvention of the Folklorist Role,” I study how Sección Femenina, the female elite of the Spanish fascist party, and its work in the Coros y Danzas women’s troupes intervened in the folklore transmission circuit to make themselves indispensable to the fascist government by recreating folklore, notwithstanding a regime that disavowed women’s political agency. Establishing its members as folklore agents who researched and collected autochthonous music and dance, Coros y Danzas managed to appropriate that traditional repertoire according to a gendered vision of women as vessels of vernacular culture. Coros y Danzas transformed folklore into fetishized sentimental spectacle drawing on affects and emotions as social practice so that their reified productions became associated with them affectively and politically. These reified productions, performed outside Spanish borders, used folk music and dance to create a sentimental Spanish community that sought to overcome dissidence and generate acceptance of the dictatorship; this movement enabled the organization to further secure its own position within Francoism. Chapter 2, “Verde Gaio: Queering Folk Dances for the Elite,” centers on the Estado Novo’s use of the Grupo de Bailados Portugueses Verde Gaio (1940-1983) as a cosmopolitan tool to promote a deceptive modernist image of the regime before select audiences. The head of the SPN/SNI (Secretariado de Propaganda Nacional, Secretariado Nacional da Informação), modernist intellectual António Ferro, aimed to create a state-owned ballet company following Ballets Russes’ homoerotic art. He chose queer dancer Francis Graça, trained at the revue, as Verde Gaio’s principal and choreographer. In preceding decades, the Orpheu intellectuals paved the way for queer modernism, and select artists were active in establishing the Verde Gaio. Despite the repression of sexual deviance under the Estado Novo, the Verde Gaio deployed queer aesthetic sensibilities and homoerotic images as a glamorous tool for diplomatic and domestic political affairs. At the same time, the Secretariado obliterated more vulgar sexual references in the vernacular repertoire, from which Verde Gaio took inspiration, while appearing to move with the times of cosmopolitan arts. Finally, in Chapter 3, “Negotiating Subalternity: The Ballet Gallego Rey de Viana against Flamenco,” I trace how the folklore troupe Ballet Gallego Rey de Viana (1949-2006) instrumentalized the Celtic and the Galician matriarchal myths to guarantee Galician privileged position within Francoist cultural diplomacy. However, these topoi, promoted by Spanish centralist circles, contributed to deactivating Galician ambitions of political autonomy and fostering Spanish internal colonialism in Galiza. By inserting Galician vernacular culture within the Celtic community, Rey de Viana pursued securing a more European image of the regime abroad than the exoticized picture provided by flamenco as the Spanish national dance. Through this operation, Rey de Viana aspired to oust flamenco by portraying a desirable gendered image of Spain abroad while cementing the Galician subaltern position within Francoism. Relying on diverse archival sources, such as correspondence, administrative documents, video footage, and newsclippings, Staging Deviant Traditions shows how Iberian fascist regimes depended on deviant social identities performing in folk ensembles so that reified music and dance traditions would become aesthetically and affectively associated with the dictatorships.

This paper examines the discourse surrounding Italian gastronationalism throughout the previous four European Parliament elections to gain a deeper comprehension of the escalating significance of gastronationalism over the past two decades. In this examination, the notion of gastronationalism, situated within the wider context of banal nationalism, is elucidated, and delineated to achieve the intended objective. Utilizing a case study approach, this research investigates the right-wing political party "Alleanza Nazionale / Fratelli d'Italia" through an analysis of prominent party members' discourse in newspapers and social media platforms. The findings reveal a notable escalation in the employment of gastronationalism in AN/FdI's political rhetoric from 2014 to 2019, which bears a discernible correlation with the linguistic style and communicative techniques employed by the Italian Fascist Party, originally established by Benito Mussolini.

[pt] Referenciando-se no método estruturalista-genético de Lucien Goldmann, a tese toma por objeto as ordens do poder, sob a aparência de normas jurídicas, em regimes de exceção, propondo, para além da teoria do direito, uma teoria geral do não-direito. Para esse fim, revisita a crítica dos juristas da social-democracia alemã (Ernst Fraenkel e Franz Neumann) à legalidade nazi e os aspectos jurídicos e políticos envolvidos na implantação dessa ordem. Como auxílio comparativo, a tese percorre historicamente um rol de golpes de Estado pelo mundo, comparando-os com a validade de noções teóricas de Carl Schmitt, e estabelecendo uma categorização própria de certos regimes de exceção, nomeados pelo autor de ditaduras capitalistas reacionárias. Ao final, há uma crítica do julgamento da ADPF 153 pelo STF e uma interpretação da ordem legal da ditadura militar brasileira como sendo um Estado de não-direito ausente de constituição jurídica. / [en] Referring to Lucien Goldmann s structuralist-genetic method, the dissertation takes as its object the orders of power, under the guise of legal norms, in exception regimes, proposing, in addition to the theory of law, a general theory of non-law. To this end, it revisits the critique of the German social democracy jurists (Ernst Fraenkel and Franz Neumann) on Nazi legality and the legal and political aspects involved in the implementation of this order. As a comparative aid, the research historically runs a list of coups d état around the world, comparing them with the validity of Carl Schmitt s theoretical notions, and establishing a proper categorization of certain exception regimes, named by the author of reactionary capitalist dictatorships. In the end, there is a critique of the brazilian Supreme Courts s judgment of ADPF n153 and an interpretation of the legal order of the Brazilian military dictatorship as a state of non-law absent from legal constitution.

No description available.

[pt] Esta tese analisa as celebrações do primeiro centenário de nascimento do escritor português Eça de Queirós (1845 - 1900) realizadas em 1945, em Portugal, durante a ditadura fascista de António de Oliveira Salazar. Na medida em que a obra de Eça é entendida nesta tese como uma obra ficcional especificamente pensada para produzir impactos na esfera pública, a celebração do centenário passa a ser um caso de estudo a respeito das relações entre ficção e esfera pública, especificamente no momento em que a segunda encontra-se suprimida ou interditada. Analisa-se de que modo o departamento de propaganda do Estado Novo salazarista procurou se apropriar da figura de Eça de Queirós, e os problemas que enfrentou ao tentar realizar esse intento. Analisa-se também de que forma a oposição antissalazarista aproveitou-se do centenário para trasnformar a obra de Eça de Queirós em um instrumento de resistência específico, a saber: uma esfera pública alternativa. / [en] This thesis analyses the celebrations of the first centennial of the Portuguese writer Eça de Queirós (1845 - 1900), that happened in 1945, in Portugal, during the fascist dictatorship of Antonio de Oliveira Salazar. Since Eça s work is seen in this thesis as fiction specifically thought to produce impacts in the public sphere, the centennial becomes a case study about the relationship between fiction and public sphere, specifically when the second is suppressed or restricted. The thesis studies how Salazar s propaganda department tries to co-opt Eça s figure, and the problems it faced in this attempt. Also, it studies how the antifascist opposition took advantage of the centennial to transform Eça s work into a specific instrument of resistance: an alternative public sphere.