<p>Genom att använda folktro och religion skapade den Japanska regimen under två eror, Meji och Showa, ett instrument för att tygla folket och ge obehindrad makt till toppskiktet i samhället. Man underströk kejsarfamiljens gudomliga arv som släkting till dem mäktigaste kamin i gudavärlden solgudinnan Amaterasu. Som släkting till henne var han att betrakta som gud och fick aldrig ifrågasättas. Det Japanska folket var inte heller vilket folk som helst utan ett härskarfolk som även det hade gudomlig härkomst. När folket sedan genom mängder av propaganda från skolväsendet upp igenom hela samhället indoktrinerats om sin och kejsarens överhöghet var det dags att visa resten av världen sin gudomlighet. Genom att besegra sina fiender i krig blev övertygelsen än större på hemmafronten och Kokka Shinto tycktes mer och mer sitta inne med sanningen. Japan var riktigt nära att slå ut den amerikanska flottan under andra världskriget, men en serie förluster satte stopp för framgångarna och Japan besegrades. Den amerikanska ockupationsmakten identifierade Kokka Shinto som skyldig till aggressionerna på samma sätt som nazismen var för Tyskland.</p><p>Kokka Shinto hjälpte till att göra Japan till en fascistisk stat precis som syftet var med den. Från början av Mejirestorationen till slutet av Andra Världskriget var Kokka Shinto en framgångssaga för ultranationalisterna men de allierades seger krossades Statsshinto. Det finns dock kvarlämningar av Statsshinto i Japan och när en Japansk premiärminister kan besöka Yasukuni-templet utan att tvingas avgå visar landet att man ännu har en bit att vandra innan man helt har kastat av sig sitt nationalistiska och fascistiska ok.</p><p>Slutsatsen blir därför att jag inte anser att Kokka Shinto är en religion utan snarare mäktiga mäns sluga utnyttjande av folktro och vidskeplighet i syfte att ta över ett land. Kokka Shinto är en veritabel våldtäkt på en legitim religion men genom att använda samma mytologi och historia köper man sig legitimitet. Man måste som utomstående vara mycket distinkt i att skilja på Shinto och Kokka Shinto ungefär på samma sätt som man skiljer på Socialism från Nationalsocialism. Fram till 1868 var Shinto en mycket tolerant religion och efter 1945 är det så återigen, det finns dock ett nationellt tema i Shinto som onda krafter kan utnyttja.</p>

In the 1930s the Swedish homes were modernized through a series of social reforms. As a result of this, time was expected to be released from the housewife’s daily domestic duties and the question was what to do with this time. In this dissertation the concept of time is used in the sense of free time as time for free thinking. The time issue during the thirties is an underlying question throughout the study. The magazine Morgonbris (1904-), a political campaign journal published by the social democratic women’s association (in Swedish: Socialdemokratiska kvinnoförbundet, SSKF) was the public arena for political issues of this kind. The aim of the study is to scrutinize the magazine, its shape (typography and layout) and content, the editors´ journalism as well as the relationship to the SSKF and the circle of readers during the decade, in order to describe the dramatic changes of this political and public arena with special focus on the editorship of Kaj Andersson (1931-1936). Methodologically this study draws on Hannah Arendt’s “storytelling” or “fragmented historiography”. Theoretically the concepts “public sphere” and “proletarian experiences” are adopted and Jürgen Habermas, Oscar Negt &amp; Alexander Kluge as well as Pierre Bourdieu, are referred to. The gender perspectives of Joan F. Scott and Yvonne Hirdman are also adopted. Kaj Andersson’s ”active journalism” in Morgonbris exhibits two distinguishing characteristics during the thirties, it was clearly socialist and critical towards nazism and fascism and it was the most salient vehicle of modernity within the Swedish press at the time. She re-styled the magazine, gave it a new outfit and introduced a new kind of modern, photojournalism. The result was an economic upswing for the magazine. The heritage of Ellen Key´s aesthetics came forward in a consumer campaign, “The best of the industry to the needs of the homes” (Fabrikernas bästa till hemmens behov), which bears similarities to the “Better Homes of America” campaign, launched in the 1920s in the USA. The political path in both campaigns coincided partly with the agenda of Alva Myrdal. Also the “Housewife Holiday” campaign that Kaj Andersson initiated in Morgonbris was in line with the modernization of women’s life throughout the country. The exhausted housewives’ yearning for rest and temporary release from domestic duties was reflected in several articles, in which their grass-root initiatives were acknowledged as political action. Until Kaj Anderson left Morgonbris, after several schisms with the committee about her creative – her backbiters would say self-indulgent – style to run the editorial office, she balanced on the border between commercialism and socialism. Her background in the party press, the social democratic newspaper Social Demokraten, influenced her ideas, but her initiatives to turn to the fields of production and consumption also drove a wedge into the field of journalism, as an involuntary beginning to separate it from the field of politics.

This essay deals with the use of censorship in propaganda in Spain during the reign of Francisco Franco.

Lo scrittore ed illustratore Antonio Rubino (1880-1964) fu artista di rilievo nel panorama letterario infantile del Novecento, prolifico nell’ideare opere connotate da forte ironia e da soluzioni espressive multimediali. La ricerca dà risalto a quanto pubblicato dall’artista sanremasco sulle pagine dei periodici per ragazzi nella prima metà del XX secolo, settore ad oggi privo di uno studio sistematico. Si tratta di un punto di vista favorevole a far emergere i contenuti trasmessi dall’autore al destinatario infantile, nonché a fare luce sul controverso rapporto con il fascismo e a tratteggiare l’evoluzione multimediale della sua produzione per l’infanzia. La definizione di una poetica rubiniana, che colga le matrici artistiche e le peculiarità ironiche della sua arte, conduce ad una riflessione educativa che interroghi la responsabilità assunta da Rubino nei confronti dell’infanzia lettrice. / The writer and illustrator Antonio Rubino (1880-1964) was a significant artist in the children’s literary panorama of the twentieth century. His works are connoted by strong irony and multimedia expressive solutions. This research is focused on Rubino’s works edited on children’s periodicals in the first half of the 20th century, a field that hasn’t been systematically studied yet by critics. This ideal point of view highlights the contents transmitted by the author to the young reader, underlines the relationship between the artist and the fascism and delineates the multimedia evolution of his children’s production. The analysis of the Rubino’s artistic thought, influenced by the contemporary trends, shows the peculiarities of his ironic style. It also guides to an educative consideration that examines the responsibilities of the author for young readers.

Genom att använda folktro och religion skapade den Japanska regimen under två eror, Meji och Showa, ett instrument för att tygla folket och ge obehindrad makt till toppskiktet i samhället. Man underströk kejsarfamiljens gudomliga arv som släkting till dem mäktigaste kamin i gudavärlden solgudinnan Amaterasu. Som släkting till henne var han att betrakta som gud och fick aldrig ifrågasättas. Det Japanska folket var inte heller vilket folk som helst utan ett härskarfolk som även det hade gudomlig härkomst. När folket sedan genom mängder av propaganda från skolväsendet upp igenom hela samhället indoktrinerats om sin och kejsarens överhöghet var det dags att visa resten av världen sin gudomlighet. Genom att besegra sina fiender i krig blev övertygelsen än större på hemmafronten och Kokka Shinto tycktes mer och mer sitta inne med sanningen. Japan var riktigt nära att slå ut den amerikanska flottan under andra världskriget, men en serie förluster satte stopp för framgångarna och Japan besegrades. Den amerikanska ockupationsmakten identifierade Kokka Shinto som skyldig till aggressionerna på samma sätt som nazismen var för Tyskland. Kokka Shinto hjälpte till att göra Japan till en fascistisk stat precis som syftet var med den. Från början av Mejirestorationen till slutet av Andra Världskriget var Kokka Shinto en framgångssaga för ultranationalisterna men de allierades seger krossades Statsshinto. Det finns dock kvarlämningar av Statsshinto i Japan och när en Japansk premiärminister kan besöka Yasukuni-templet utan att tvingas avgå visar landet att man ännu har en bit att vandra innan man helt har kastat av sig sitt nationalistiska och fascistiska ok. Slutsatsen blir därför att jag inte anser att Kokka Shinto är en religion utan snarare mäktiga mäns sluga utnyttjande av folktro och vidskeplighet i syfte att ta över ett land. Kokka Shinto är en veritabel våldtäkt på en legitim religion men genom att använda samma mytologi och historia köper man sig legitimitet. Man måste som utomstående vara mycket distinkt i att skilja på Shinto och Kokka Shinto ungefär på samma sätt som man skiljer på Socialism från Nationalsocialism. Fram till 1868 var Shinto en mycket tolerant religion och efter 1945 är det så återigen, det finns dock ett nationellt tema i Shinto som onda krafter kan utnyttja.

No description available.

For historians of twentieth-century British affairs, the decade of the 1930s is very significant. It was marked not only by a devastating economic crisis at the outset, but also by the rise of fascism in Europe and the onset of the Second World War at its close. These issues were problematic in themselves, but Britain’s response to them was complicated still further by the deep divisions between the Left and the Right over socialism and over the Soviet Union. The presence of the USSR in the East and its influence in Britain loomed over the internal debates that took place, affecting British responses to difficult situations in drastic and far-reaching ways. People of both anti-Soviet and pro-Soviet persuasions were forced to account for events that did not tally with their most strongly held beliefs, hopes or fears. This dissertation explores the ways in which British people of a variety of political leanings publicly processed and coped with the role of the Soviet Union in these debates. Using a range of sources including contemporary newspapers, books and pamphlets, I will trace the evolution of attitudes to the Soviet Union from 1929, the first year of the economic crisis, up until 1943, the high point of the Anglo-Soviet wartime alliance. My analysis will show how people with fundamentally different belief systems mirrored each other in their responses to intellectual challenges, and how interactions between different groups sustained or exaggerated each group’s response to the Soviet Union. I will also critique the analyses of some historians who have limited the parameters of their studies to take in only single groups or single events, and in so doing have become unfairly critical of individuals who struggled to process a large number of difficult and confusing events.

Στην εργασία αυτή προσπαθούμε να προσεγγίσουμε την περίοδο της Ιταλικής Κατοχής στα Επτάνησα, από τον Απρίλιο του 1941 ως το Σεπτέμβριο του 1943,όχι από τη συνήθη πλευρά των στρατιωτικών και πολιτικών γεγονότων, αλλά από τη σκοπιά της καθημερινής ζωής στα νησιά και τον τρόπο που οι αρχές κατοχής προσπάθησαν να εφαρμόσουν το σχέδιό τους για την προσάρτηση των νησιών στην Ιταλική επικράτεια.Συγκεκριμένα επικεντρωθήκαμε στο προπαγανδιστικό πλαίσιο εντός του οποίου κινήθηκαν οι αρχές, επιθυμώντας να αφελληνίσουν τις συνειδήσεις των κατοίκων, άλλοτε μέσω της πειθούς και άλλοτε μέσω της βίας και της καταπίεσης. Η εργασία χωρίζεται σε 4 ενότητες: η πρώτη περιλαμβάνει το θεωρητικό πλαίσιο, τα μεθοδολογικά και ερευνητικά ζητήματα και τους εννοιολογικούς προσδιορισμούς. Η δεύτερη ενότητα καταγράφει το ιστορικό πλαίσιο πριν από την ιταλική κατάληψη των Επτανήσων και αφορά γεγονότα του Μεσοπολέμου στη Ευρώπη και την Ελλάδα, τα οποία προετοίμασαν το Β΄Π Π και ανέδειξαν το Φασισμό, ο οποίος επρόκειτο να εμπλέξει πολεμικά, στα ιμπεριαλιστικά του σχέδια, ολόκληρη σχεδόν την ανθρωπότητα. Η τρίτη ενότητα περιλαμβάνει τα αντιστασιακά κινήματα των πολιτών και τις περιπτώσεις συνεργασίας Ελλήνων με τον κατακτητή. Η τέταρτη ενότητα περιλαμβάνει τα αποτελέσματα της έρευνας που διενεργήθηκε σε πρωτογενείς και δευτερογενείς πηγές, τα καθαυτό ιστορικά δεδομένα και την εξαγωγή των συμπερασμάτων μας. Ακολουθεί η καταγραφή της σχετικής βιβλιογραφίας, ελληνόγλωσσης και ξενόγλωσσης. Ειδικότερα μελετήσαμε τα τεκμήρια που απηχούσαν την προπαγανδιστική πολιτική των Ιταλών, επικεντρώνοντας περισσότερο στο θέμα της αγωγής των νέων, η οποία εξετάστηκε και με τη στενή έννοια του εκπαιδευτικού συστήματος και με την ευρύτερη της διαπαιδαγώγησης. Ανακαλύψαμε ότι στη βάση της της πολιτικής των Ιταλών βρίσκεται το ιδεολόγημα της ιστορικής συνέχειας της παρουσίας τους στα Επτάνησα, το οποίο εξυπηρετούσε εξαρχής τη σκοπιμότητα της διαμόρφωσης μιας ανθελληνικής εθνικής συνείδησης, αρχικά στους νέους και κατόπιν σε ολόκληρο τον πληθυσμό. Οι αναφορές στο παρελθόν και η προβολή ενός καλύτερου μέλλοντος, σε επίπεδο ατομικό και συλλογικό, αποτέλεσαν τα κύρια μέρη της τακτικής τους. Η μετάδοση της επιλεκτικά ιεραρχημένης και κατάλληλα διαμορφωμένης γνώσης από τους εκπαιδευτικούς - υποστηρικτές του φασισμού- θα μπορούσε να φέρει εις πέρας το σχέδιο των αρχών.Όλα αυτά σε συνδυασμό με το στραγγαλισμό της οικονομίας των νησιών και την τελεία εξαθλίωση του πληθυσμού,ο οποίος θα έπρεπε να εμπιστευτεί το πατερναλιστικό κράτος πρόνοιας των Ιταλών Φασιστών, προκειμένου να επιβιώσει. / In this project wy try to approach the Italian occupation of the Ionian Islands from April 1941 till September 1943, not the military and the political events, but the everyday lives on the islands and the way the authorities used wishing to remove the Greek idenity of the consciousness of people,sometimes by persuasion and sometimes through violence and oppression. The project is divided in four units. The first involves the theoretical framework, the methodological research iusses and concept definitions. The second unit refers to the historical framework of the Ionian Islands before the Italian occupation, and has to do with events of the interwar in Europe and in Greece which prepared World War II and distinguished Fascism, which was going to involve in its imperialistic prans almost all humanity. The third unit includes resistance movements of people and cases of cooperation with the conqueror. The fourth unit contains the results of research which was carried out from primary and secondary sources, the historical facts and our conclusion. A reference of the Greek and foreign bibliography which were used follows. We mainly studied the presumption which reflected the propagandist policy of the Italians, focused more on the issue of treatment for young people, which was examined in a close conception of the educational system and the wider education. We discovered that the ideology of the historical continuation of their presence in the Ionian Islands is found in the basis of the Italian policy, which from the beginning served the feasibility of building the anti-hellenic national consciousness, firstly to the young people and later on all the population. A reference in the past and a showing of a better future in an individual and association level consisted the main parts of their tactics. The spread of the selective hierarchy and suitably formed knowledge from the educators-supporters of fascism could accomplish the plan of the authorities. All this in combination with the strain of economy of the islands and the total improverishment of the population who would have to trust the paternalistic providence-state of the Italian fascism so as to survive.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:38:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 4368.pdf: 4971066 bytes, checksum: 09fa152ef5575317274c1133df9b5a28 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-05 / Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais / This thesis seeks to develop an understanding of the trajectories of two groups of Italians who were members of the management board of two organizations, namely the Società Italiani Uniti (SIU) and the Società Italiana di Mutuo Soccorso "Gabriele D'Annunzio" ("SIMS"Gd'A ), located in Araraquara (SP) and in Catanduva (SP), respectively; this investigation was performed from the perspective of the local history, offering some reflections on the ways in which these trajectories have been significantly marked by the rise of fascism. The study covers a period from the end of the 19th century until 1942, with special focus on the 1920s and 1930s in the twentieth century. Thus, it is plausible to say that the effect of the rise of fascism in their organizations, and consequently in the trajectory of the leaders, is intrinsically related to the local conditions of each Italian colony. In this sense, Araraquara has been developed and shaped by the concepts of colonialism and there was some evidence of a closed society and a hostile environment. The social integration of Italian immigrants occurred through a gradual process. However, with respect to the political insertion, some of them have found an alternative path and joined the local Masonic Lodge. Conversely, in Catanduva, the growth of the town has occurred due to the arrival of immigrants, and it was found that there was greater permeability of social and political integration. The doctrine of fascism was incorporated into the SIU and SIMS Gd'A at different times and in different ways. In 1928, empowered by the actions of a group of partners, the SIU was recognized as a shared space where beneficent actions and fascism occurred in an open manner. Hence, the SIU began to decline in the 1930s. Therefore, the SIMS Gd'A only shared its space effectively when it became Casa d'Italia, in 1937, as agreed by consensus among the members, then becoming the only institution to represent italianity in Catanduva. Both the SIU and SIMS Gd A offered an important contribution to the consolidation of italianity in the Italian colonies. Because of access to the official records of the board meeting proceedings of these two organizations was provided, it was possible to carry out a systematic study. It was also used a wide range of public and private records, both in Brazil and in Italy (Rome). Moreover, additional data were collect through face-to-face interviews, mainly of the descendants of Italians. / Esta tese de doutorado busca compreender a trajetória de dois grupos de dirigentes italianos no âmbito de suas associações, a Società Italiani Uniti (SIU) e a Società Italiana di Mutuo Soccorso Gabriele d Annunzio (SIMS Gd A ), localizadas respectivamente em Araraquara (SP) e em Catanduva (SP), sob a perspectiva da história local, questionando-se como a emergência do fascismo em seus espaços marcou essas trajetórias. O período estudado abrange o final do século XIX até 1942, concentrando maior atenção nos anos 20 e 30 do século XX. É possível afirmar que o resultado da emergência do fascismo no âmbito das associações, e consequentemente na trajetória dos dirigentes, está intrinsecamente relacionado às condições locais de cada colônia italiana. Nesse sentido, Araraquara se desenvolveu no contexto do coronelismo, sua sociedade era hostil e relativamente fechada. A inserção social dos imigrantes italianos só foi aos poucos conquistada. Já a inserção política, o modo alternativo encontrado por alguns foi o de participar da Loja maçônica local. Em Catanduva, ao contrário, cujo desenvolvimento ocorreu simultaneamente com a chegada dos imigrantes, havia maior permeabilidade de inserção tanto social como política. A penetração fascista na SIU e na SIMS Gd A aconteceu em momentos distintos e de modos diferenciados. Já em 1928, por poder de ação de um grupo de sócios, a SIU era conhecida como o que aqui se chama de espaço partilhado, onde beneficência e fascismo funcionavam abertamente. A partir dos anos 30, ela começa a decair. Por sua vez, a SIMS Gd A somente partilhou o seu espaço efetivamente quando se transformou em Casa d Italia, em 1937, por meio de um consenso entre os sócios, tornando-se a única instituição oficial da italianidade de Catanduva. Tanto a SIU como a SIMS Gd A deram uma importante contribuição para a consolidação da italianidade nas colônias italianas. Um estudo sistemático dessas duas associações só foi possível devido ao acesso às Atas das Assembleias. Também foi utilizada farta documentação rastreada em arquivos e instituições públicas e privadas, tanto no Brasil como na Itália (Roma). Além disso, dados adicionais foram coletados por meio de depoimentos pessoais, sobretudo de descendentes de italianos.

Cette étude a analysé la présence des sculpteurs italiens à Paris du début du XX siècle à la fin des années Trente, afin de reconstituer un chapitre important de l'histoire des échanges artistiques en France. Nous nous sommes servis d'une méthode historique et philologique, qui a bien été appliquée aux écrits critiques et à la presse de l'époque. Pour ce qui concerne le début du siècle, nous avons remarqué une participation considérable de la part des italiens aux principaux événements expositifs de la capitale comme les Salons officiels; le succès de public et commercial leur avait permis d'obtenir une place parmi les artistes à la mode les plus connus. Pendant les années Vingt, nous avons constaté un nombre moins significatif de sculpteurs; nous avons lu ce fait en nous rapportant à la situation historique italienne, qui en ce temps subissait des importants changements dus à l'ascension du régime fasciste. Les italiens qui étaient encore présents en France après la Guerre ne s'inséraient guère dans le cadre des nouvelles recherches artistiques italiennes, ils poursuivaient, au contraire, des orientations esthétiques plutôt dépassées. La dernière partie de notre étude s'est intéressée à l'essor du nouveau langage artistique de la péninsule italienne qui pendant les années Trente se répandit enfin même à l'étranger. Les sculpteurs italiens pouvaient donc participer activement à la vie expositive parisienne, tout en montrant le visage d'une plastique qui avait enfin pris conscience de ses potentialités. La France de sa part accueillait volontiers ces expérimentations, dans le but d'instituer une relation d'amitié durable avec le pays voisin. / This study has analyzed the presence of Italian sculptors in Paris from the beginning of the 20th Century to the end of the third decade, with the aim of reconstructing an important chapter of the history of artistic exchanges between Italy and France. We have favored an historical-philological method, based on critical publications and old French and Italian press.Concerning the beginning of the century, we have remarked a considerable participation of Italians in the main expositions in the French capital, such as official Salons; critical and market success allowed them to get a main role in the crew of the most popular artists.During the twenties, we have noted a less considerable participation of Italian sculptors; we have interpreted it in relation to historical context of fascist Italy, where the government was trying to develop a national cultural program. The Italian artists in France, after the First World War, didn't share the new Italian artistic orientation; they went on with outdated aesthetic choices.The last part of our research was interested in the development of the new Italian artistic language, finally known out of Italy. The Italian sculptors consequently could take part in arts activity in Paris, showing the face of a new sculpture, finally aware of its potentialities. France gave these experimentations a good welcome in the aim of constituting a longtime friendship with the Italian country.