TITLE: Two brothers. The literary activity and the political inolvement of Thomas and Heinrich Mann between 1918 - 1933 ABSTRACT: This diploma thesis compares the literary activity of Thomas and Heinrich Mann with their political opinions. The comparison of the literary activity and opinions is based on their two books. There is the novel Der Untertan in case of Heinrich Mann and the short story from Thomas Mann Mario und der Zauberer in the second case. KEY WORDS: Thomas Mann, Heinrich Mann, policy, Weimar Republic, Wilheminism, fascism, democracy, dictatorship

Cette thèse s'attache à analyser les ballets et les opéras exotiques représentés sur la scène du Teatro alla Scala, de la création du théâtre, en 1778, à sa réouverture, en 1946, période au cours de laquelle plus de trois cents œuvres mettant en scène l'ailleurs non européen et ses habitants furent données à voir au public du plus prestigieux théâtre lyrique milanais. L'approche des représentations de l'autre non européen, retenue ici, accorde une très large place aux livrets, en même temps qu'elle s'articule à la réception des œuvres dans la presse, afin de pouvoir saisir un sens public de ces représentations. Après avoir, dans un premier temps, dressé un panorama des lieux et des thèmes exotiques mis en scène, où dominent un Orient tout à la fois polymorphe et placé sous le signe de la répétition, ainsi que les mises en scène de la découverte et de la conquête du continent américain, cette recherche aborde la question de la création, librettistique et scénique, d'une altérité non européenne, qui apparaît désirée autant qu'elle est moquée et critiquée. Enfin, dans un troisième temps, cette étude tente de mettre au jour les usages politiques des œuvres exotiques, que celles-ci soient utilisées pour contester le pouvoir en place ou qu'au contraire ce dernier fasse d'elles des véhicules idéologiques. / This thesis analyses the exotic operas and ballets staged at the Teatro alla Scala from its inauguration in 1778 to its reopening in 1946 – a period during which the audiences of Milan's most prestigious opera house were offered more than three hundred productions representing non-European countries and their inhabitants. My approach integrates close readings of the librettos with a focus on the reception of these works in the press, in order to understand how these representations made sense to the public. The first part presents an overview of the exotic places and themes that were staged. A polymorphous but repetitive Orient and the discovery and conquest of the New World predominate. The second part focuses on the librettos and staging in order to address the construction of a non-European alterity that is desired as much as it is denigrated. Finally, the third part brings to light the political usages of these exotic works, asking whether they served to avoid censorship and contest the authorities or, on the contrary, functioned as vehicles for the ideology of the regimes of their time.

O propósito principal desta tese de doutorado é desenvolver um estudo de histórias conectadas sobre a expansão internacional do modelo de cinema nazista na Europa e na América Latina, durante as décadas de 1930 e 1950. A influência da Alemanha nazista sobre as indústrias de cinema e as produções cinematográficas da Itália fascista, de Portugal salazarista, da Espanha franquista, do Brasil varguista e da Argentina peronista, representou a tentativa de Berlim tornar-se a Nova Hollywood Mundial e teve importantes implicações políticas, culturais e econômicas em todos esses regimes políticos de massas, que nos propomos analisar. A tese analisa também três instituições político-culturais privilegiadas do III Reich: 1) O Ministério Nacional para Esclarecimento Público e Propaganda (Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda - RMVP), através do qual o ministro da propaganda nazista, Dr. Joseph Goebbels, empenhou-se na conquista do controle total dos meios de comunicação de massa, na reestruturação forçada das indústrias cinematográficas e na padronização das sessões de cinema, impondo uma produção obrigatória, planejada para aumentar o potencial propagandístico do cinema; 2) A Câmara Internacional de Cinema (Internationale Filmkammer IFK), uma organização internacional de representantes da indústria cinematografia de vinte e duas nações, fundada em 1935 para estabelecer o controle hegemônico da Alemanha nazista sobre um espaço europeu econômico e cultural integrado, que pudesse rivalizar com os modelos de cinema dos Estados Unidos da América e da União Soviética e; 3) A Hispano-Film-Produktion (HFP), através da qual o cinema nazista tentou conquistar os mercados hispânicos (Espanha e América Latina). Em termos gerais, a análise das políticas governamentais, dos principais temas políticos apresentados nos filmes, da influência da censura e de outros aspectos relacionados à produção cinematográfica, tais como legislação, políticas de crédito e sistemas de co-produções entre esses regimes políticos de massas, pretende mostrar como o cinema mundial foi influenciado e controlado pela Alemanha nazista, mas apresentou especificidades que procuramos mostrar neste trabalho. / The main purpose of this PhD Thesis is to develop a connected histories study on the international expansion of Nazi Cinemas model in Europe and Latin America, during the 1930s and 1950s. The Nazi Germanys influence over the film industries and cinematographs productions of Mussolinis Italy, Salazars Portugal, Francos Spain, Vargas Brazil, and Perons Argentine, represented the Berlins ruthless attempts at becoming the New World-Wide Hollywood, and also had important political, cultural and economical implications in all these mass political regimes, that we proposed to analyze. The thesis also analyzes three privileged political-cultural institutions of the III Reich: 1) The Reich Ministry for Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda (Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda - RMVP), through which the Nazi propaganda minister, Dr. Joseph Goebbels, sought to achieve total control of the mass media communications, forced restructuring of national film industries, and standardized film screening by imposing a compulsory production, designed to enhance films propagandistic potential; 2) The International Film Chamber (Internationale Filmkammer IFK), a international organization of national film industry representatives from twenty-two nations, founded in 1935 to establish a Nazi Germany hegemonic control over an integrated European economic and cultural space that could rival the United States of America and the Soviet Union cinemas models, and; 3) The Hispano-Film-Produktion (HFP), through which Nazi cinema tried to conquer Spanish markets (Spain and Latin America). In general terms, the analysis of the governmental policies, the main politics themes presented on the films, the influence of censorship, and others aspects related to the cinematograph productions, such as legislation, credit policies, and co-productions system between these mass political regimes, present how the world cinema was influenced and controlled by Nazi Germany, but presented specificities that we intend to point out in these PhD thesis.

L'objet de cette thèse est d'étudier d'une part la place que tient la guerre dans l'œuvre de l'historien et philosophe italien Benedetto Croce (1866-1952), à la fois lorsqu'il étudie l'Histoire, notamment celle du XIXe siècle, et lorsqu'il réagit aux événements dont il est le contemporain : guerres d'Ethiopie de 1896 et 1935, de Libye de 1911-1912 et « pacification » dans les années vingt et trente, Première Guerre mondiale, Guerre d'Espagne, Seconde Guerre mondiale. La guerre est-elle parfois légitime ? Est-elle nécessaire à la construction et à l'affermissement de l'état italien ? Ou au contraire est-elle à éviter à tout prix ? Ces questions sont complexes car la guerre n'est pas l'apanage du fascisme, mais a déjà été l'un des caractères importants du régime libéral qui a précédé le fascisme en Italie. Ce travail de recherche porte également sur la pensée et l'action de Benedetto Croce en ce qui concerne le maintien puis la réinstauration de la paix, notamment après les deux guerres mondiales, et son engagement pro-européen. L'étude s'est appuyée sur le croisement entre les œuvres de Benedetto Croce et les documents contenus dans les Archives d'Etat à Rome, comme les dossiers de la Police Politique fasciste qui a surveillé Croce pendant des décennies à cause de son engagement antifasciste. / The purpose of this thesis is first to study the part that war plays in the works of the Italian historian and philosopher, Benedetto Croce (1866-1952), when he studies History -in particular that of the 19th century- as well as when he reacts to the events of which he is a contemporary: wars in Ethiopia in 1896 and 1935, in Libya in 1911- 1912 and “pacification” in the nineteen twenties and thirties, First World War, Spanish War, Second World War. Is war sometimes legitimate? Is it necessary to the construction and strengthening of the Italian State? Or on the contrary is it to be avoided at all costs? These are complex questions, for war is not the prerogative of fascism but has already been one of the important characteristics of the liberal regime that preceded fascism in Italy. This research is also focused on the thought and action of Benedetto Croce concerning peace maintaining and then restoring, in particular after both world wars, and his commitment to Europe. The study is based upon the interplay of Benedetto Croce’s works and the documents found in the State Archives in Rome, like the files of the fascist political police who watched Croce during decades because of his anti-fascist commitment.

Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar a curta trajetória da Associação Brasileira de Escritores, entre 1943 e 1958, a partir de dois aspectos fundamentais: a definição de uma função social dos intelectuais, bem como a defesa dos direitos autorais dos homens e mulheres de letras do país. Tais elementos, conforme se pôde observar, serviram, ora como pontos de encontro dos interesses dos diferentes grupos que compunham a entidade, ora como causas do distanciamento entre os mesmos. Neste sentido, e com base na leitura de memórias, biografias e de um extenso material produzido pela imprensa do período, foi possível determinar, ao menos, quatro momentos no histórico da A.B.D.E.: desde a aproximação de liberais, socialistas, católicos e comunistas em torno da luta comum contra o nazifascismo, o Estado Novo e as péssimas condições econômicas em que se encontravam boa parte dos escritores; passando pela crise decorrente das disputas partidárias e da Guerra Fria, pós 1945; a violenta divisão da associação, em abril de 1949; até, finalmente, o seu aparelhamento pelo PCB, tornando-a uma espécie de porta-voz das diretrizes culturais do partido. Dessa maneira, a pesquisa visa demonstrar que, se em seus anos iniciais, a A.B.D.E. procurava ser um espaço donde os intelectuais brasileiros poderiam agir de forma autônoma distante da intervenção do Estado, das disputas ideológico-partidárias e das pressões do mercado editorial; posteriormente, em razão dos conflitos políticos resultantes do fim da Segunda Guerra e da queda de Getúlio Vargas, a diversidade de pontos de vista existente da agremiação acabou levando esse projeto de autonomia ao fracasso. / This thesis aims to analyze the short history of the Associação Brasileira de Escritores, between 1943 and 1958, from two main aspects: the definition of a \"social function\" of intellectuals, as well as the protection of copyrights of the Brazilian writers. Such elements, as it could be observed, served either as meeting points of interests of the different groups that made up the organization, either as causes of the separation between them. Thus, and based on the reading of memoirs, biographies and an extensive material produced by the press of the period, it was possible to determine at least four moments in ABDEs history: since the approach of liberals, socialists, Catholics and communists around the common fight against Nazi-fascism, the Estado Novo and the poor economic conditions in which they found most of the writers; passing by the crisis arising from the partisan bickering and the Cold War, post 1945; the violent division of the association, in April 1949; until, finally, his \"rigging\" by the PCB, making it a sort of spokesman of cultural party guidelines. Thus, the research aims to demonstrate that, in its early years, the ABDE tried to be a space where Brazilian intellectuals could act \"autonomous\" way - away from State intervention, the ideological and partisan disputes and the pressures of publishing; later, due to the political conflicts resulting from the end of World War II and the fall of Getúlio Vargas, the diversity of points of view inside of the association eventually led this project of \"autonomy\" to failure.

En Tunisie, les Italiens représentèrent pendant longtemps la plus importante communauté d’émigrés d’origine européenne. Les Juifs italiens de Tunisie, appelés aussi « Livournais » car provenant pour la majorité du port toscan de Livourne, furent parmi les premiers à s’installer dans la Régence, en devenant ensuite une classe sociale relativement aisée, cultivée et avec un rôle d’élite au sein de la communauté italienne. L’arrivée du fascisme constitua un tournant politique pour les Juifs livournais, invités à prendre une position nette en faveur ou contre le régime, mais aussi à renégocier leur pouvoir face aux nouvelles autorités.La thèse se divise en cinq parties. La première aborde l’identité des Livournais et sa construction historique. La deuxième partie questionne le domaine socio-économique, pour comprendre la place occupée par les Juifs italiens dans la société tunisienne de l’entre-deux-guerres, sans oublier les rapports avec les autres populations de la Tunisie dans une perspective comparative. Achevée l’analyse de la communauté livournaise, le travail se focalise sur le rapport avec le fascisme, traité en trois parties. Les axes de la recherche ont été le processus de fascisation de la communauté italienne de Tunisie, la nature du consensus et de l’opposition parmi les Livournais, et les enjeux du tournant antisémite de 1938.En partant de l’histoire de la communauté juive italienne de Tunisie, la thèse articule des réflexions plus globales, concernant le rapport entre le fascisme et les Italiens à l’étranger, l’histoire de l’émigration italienne en Afrique du Nord, et les responsabilités du régime dans les persécutions antisémites culminées dans la Shoah. / In Tunisia, Italians created the most important community of Europeans emigrants until WW2. The Italian Jews of the country, called also “Livornese” as most of them was native of the Italian port of Livorno, formed the first group of foreigners which decided to settle in Tunisia. The community grew up quickly, and became a political, social and economic élite inside the Italian community. The rise of fascism pushed Italian Jews of Tunisia to make a choice between the support to the new regime and the antifascist resistance. They also had to renegotiate their role and power in the Italian community itself, according with the new authorities of Rome.The thesis is divided in five parts. In the first one, the Livornese Jews’ identity is investigated, to understand its evolution through the centuries, and its complexity. The second part examines the social and economic profile of the community in the context of the Tunisian colonial society, with a focus on the cultural and material relationships between Livornese Jews and the other populations of the country. The last three parts of the thesis investigate the relation between Livornese and fascism between 1921 and 1943, focusing on the question of consensus to the new regime, the forms of the opposition, the penetration of fascism in the Tunisian context, and the crisis of the Livornese community after the anti-Semitic laws and the war. The history of Italian Jews of Tunisia is the starting point for more global reflections, investing the fascist politics on Italian emigration, the role of Italian communities in the Northern Africa, and the responsibilities of Italy in anti-Semitic persecutions, culminated in the Shoah.

Entre os anos de 1934 e 1942, um grupo de professores que ficou conhecido como Missão Italiana foi contratado para reger algumas cadeiras das ciências exatas e literatura da Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciências e Letras da Universidade de São Paulo. No presente trabalho, estudamos as negociações institucionais e diplomáticas entre os governos italiano e brasileiro que permitiram a vinda da Missão ao Brasil, a partir da análise de uma série de documentos presentes em arquivos do Brasil e da Itália. Estudamos, também, o modo como a Missão Italiana foi recebida pela imprensa paulista e carioca, bem como a circulação do grupo em espaços dentro e fora da universidade, a partir da análise de diversos jornais do período. Para compreender o envolvimento da Missão Italiana com o cenário de debates do ensino secundário brasileiro, mobilizamos e analisamos os discursos que ela proferiu no período, tendo em vista as possíveis correntes de pensamento as quais os professores se alinhavam ou buscavam refutar. Também estudamos o contato desses professores com a formação das primeiras gerações de matemáticos da FFCL, no que tange ao incentivo à pesquisa, ao engajamento em uma rede internacional de circulação de cientistas e à produção das primeiras teses de doutoramento. Verificamos que o Regime Fascista, que esteve diretamente envolvido na contratação da Missão Italiana, bem como a pertença desses professores ao Partido Nacional Fascista, inicialmente, não foi um problema para a sua vinda ao Brasil. Acompanhando o trabalho da Missão Italiana ao longo dos anos, observamos que as condições de sua permanência no Brasil vão se deteriorar somente com o rompimento das relações diplomáticas em 1942, momento em que a Missão é desmantelada. Nesse estudo, gostaríamos de defender que a passagem desse grupo de professores pelo Brasil não deve ser analisada somente sob a ótica de uma Itália Fascista imperialista, que pretendia dominar o espaço científico e universitário brasileiro, mas como um encontro entre culturas, onde ambas as partes buscaram se beneficiar dos acordos entre Itália e Brasil / In 1934, a group of Italian professors, called the Italian Mission, was hired to teach some disciplines of exact sciences and literature areas of the Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciências e Letras of the Universidade de São Paulo. In this work, we study both institutional and diplomatic negotiations related to the Mission arriving between Italian and Brazilian governments , based on an extensive series of documents obtained in archives of both sides. The reception in the press and the circulation of these professors in many institutions including the university were studied taking some newspapers as sources. Public speeches of the group were analyzed focusing on their considerations on both the high school system and some educational discussions of the period. We also studied the contributions of the Mission for the constitution of the first generation of Brazilian mathematicians, specially their motivation for the research, the insertion in an international net of researches and the production of the first PhDs thesis on the subject. We observed that the very presence of the fascist regime in the hiring process of the Mission and the fellowship of the group to the fascist national party was not seem as a problem in the Brazil at the beginning of the process. Following the work of the Italian Mission, we see the deterioration of the conditions of permanence of the Italian professors only in 1942 with the rupture of diplomatic relations between Brazil and Italy, when the Mission is dismantled. We would like to sustain that the arriving of the Italian Mission would not be analyzed only from the point of view of the imperialist fascist Italy, who in fact intended to influence the Brazilian scientific field, but as a intercultural encounter, where both Brazil and Italy took advantage in the process

Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar a curta trajetória da Associação Brasileira de Escritores, entre 1943 e 1958, a partir de dois aspectos fundamentais: a definição de uma função social dos intelectuais, bem como a defesa dos direitos autorais dos homens e mulheres de letras do país. Tais elementos, conforme se pôde observar, serviram, ora como pontos de encontro dos interesses dos diferentes grupos que compunham a entidade, ora como causas do distanciamento entre os mesmos. Neste sentido, e com base na leitura de memórias, biografias e de um extenso material produzido pela imprensa do período, foi possível determinar, ao menos, quatro momentos no histórico da A.B.D.E.: desde a aproximação de liberais, socialistas, católicos e comunistas em torno da luta comum contra o nazifascismo, o Estado Novo e as péssimas condições econômicas em que se encontravam boa parte dos escritores; passando pela crise decorrente das disputas partidárias e da Guerra Fria, pós 1945; a violenta divisão da associação, em abril de 1949; até, finalmente, o seu aparelhamento pelo PCB, tornando-a uma espécie de porta-voz das diretrizes culturais do partido. Dessa maneira, a pesquisa visa demonstrar que, se em seus anos iniciais, a A.B.D.E. procurava ser um espaço donde os intelectuais brasileiros poderiam agir de forma autônoma distante da intervenção do Estado, das disputas ideológico-partidárias e das pressões do mercado editorial; posteriormente, em razão dos conflitos políticos resultantes do fim da Segunda Guerra e da queda de Getúlio Vargas, a diversidade de pontos de vista existente da agremiação acabou levando esse projeto de autonomia ao fracasso. / This thesis aims to analyze the short history of the Associação Brasileira de Escritores, between 1943 and 1958, from two main aspects: the definition of a \"social function\" of intellectuals, as well as the protection of copyrights of the Brazilian writers. Such elements, as it could be observed, served either as meeting points of interests of the different groups that made up the organization, either as causes of the separation between them. Thus, and based on the reading of memoirs, biographies and an extensive material produced by the press of the period, it was possible to determine at least four moments in ABDEs history: since the approach of liberals, socialists, Catholics and communists around the common fight against Nazi-fascism, the Estado Novo and the poor economic conditions in which they found most of the writers; passing by the crisis arising from the partisan bickering and the Cold War, post 1945; the violent division of the association, in April 1949; until, finally, his \"rigging\" by the PCB, making it a sort of spokesman of cultural party guidelines. Thus, the research aims to demonstrate that, in its early years, the ABDE tried to be a space where Brazilian intellectuals could act \"autonomous\" way - away from State intervention, the ideological and partisan disputes and the pressures of publishing; later, due to the political conflicts resulting from the end of World War II and the fall of Getúlio Vargas, the diversity of points of view inside of the association eventually led this project of \"autonomy\" to failure.

År 1935 invaderar Italien under ledning av Benito Mussolini Etiopien, på den tiden kallat Abessinien. Kriget föregicks av en lång tids mobilisering och debatt, både i omvärlden och i Sverige. Den här uppsatsen handlar om hur tidningarna Ny Dag och Folkets Dagblad påverkades av Sovjetunionens politik gentemot Abessinienkrisen 1935 i deras egna ställningstaganden i Abessinienkrisen, samt hur det påverkade deras syn på antikrigsdemonstrationer i Sverige. Ny Dag var partitidning för Sveriges Kommunistiska Parti och Folkets Dagblad för Socialistiska Partiet. Källmaterialet i denna uppsats består av bevarade upplagor ifrån Ny Dag och Folkets Dagblad som finns i Kungliga bibliotekets mediearkiv. Undersökningen är uppdelad i två tidsperioder, mellan januari-juli 1935 samt juli-oktober 1935. Detta för att Kominterns kongress äger rum i augusti 1935 samt att kriget bryter ut i oktober. Även om båda tidningarna var motståndare till Italiens invasion av Abessinien visar resultatet av denna undersökning på att det rådde stora motsättningar mellan tidningarna om hur antikrigsarbetet skulle föras, samt att tidningarnas relationer till Sovjetunionen i hög grad präglade tidningarnas ställningstaganden. Detta var extra tydligt efter Kominterns 7:e kongress i augusti 1935, då tidningarna upptog en bitter och intensiv rivalitet gentemot varandra kring Abessinienfrågan. Medan Ny Dag i stort sett var helt eniga med Kominterns riktlinjer gällande Abessinienkrisen och på vilket sätt antikrigsarbetet skulle föras, ställde sig Folkets Dagblad skarpt kritiskt till Komintern och Ny Dag i dessa frågor. Ämnen som tidningarna kom att vara oense om var Sovjetunionens roll i Abessinienkrisen, Nationernas Förbunds roll samt Sveriges roll och hur antikrigsrörelsen i Sverige skulle mobiliseras.

This paper is a case study of the Sweden Democrats with the aim to better understand the nature of the immigrant-critical nationalist parties, often referred to as right-wing extremist, right-wing populist etc. who has had success in several countries, and their ideological roots. A comparative descriptive analysis has been done of the ideas of the Sweden Democrats' ideology, with the aim to identify and examine the presence of fascism ideas in SD's ideology. On the basis of the existing research has an ideal type been formulated what fascism most basic ideas are. With this idealtype as an analytical tool has SD's party platform, political speeches, SD-kuriren and Jimmie Åkesson's book, etc. been analyzed. It has been possible to demonstrate the similarities and differences between the SD's and fascist ideas. Ideas of SD which is also a typical feature of fascism is the opposition to the conduct of immigration policy and to stop or limit immigration which appears as the party's most prominent idea that is also a typical feature of fascism. The myth of the betrayed people's home “Folkhemmet” appears to be a typical "mystical core" in the SD's thinking which is similar to the example stab-in-the-back legend of Nazism. The idea about the third way and a excluding nationalism that sees diversity as a threat is common within fascism while the differences is that the SD profess democracy and denounces anti-democratic ideas. SD is like the fascists not pacifists but has not, moreover, any typical fascist ideas on the war in its program. The multicultural society is considered a threat, which is similar to the ideas of fascism, and SD considers that a culture war is going on, especially with Islam. SD has some ideas in common with fascism that indicates continuity from the interwar fascism. Other ideas differ from the ideas of fascism, which shows that the party has been partly done up with its ideological roots. The type of thought structures identified in the analysis of the Sweden Democrats have several ideas in common with the fascist discourse, but there are also similarities with the humanist Enlightenment discourse in the affirmation of democracy.