"Saving White Face: Lynching and Counter Hegemonic Lynching Performances," examines American lynching as hegemonic performances constitutive of discursive and material practices that reinforce a cultural fiction, white supremacy. "Lynching studies" is identified as an interdisciplinary academic project that includes lynching history, analysis and (activist) cultural production. Among other approaches, "Saving White Face" uses psychoanalysis and ethnography to unmask lynching as a site where race- and gender-based identities originate. Lynching's "materialities," such as lynching photographs and souvenirs are examined as the bases of American consumer culture, especially as they relate to football and (the) O.J. Simpson (ordeal). This work also documents the production of my Chamber Theater adaptation of Bebe Moore Campbell's 1992 novel, Your Blues Ain't Like Mine (also entitled "Saving White Face"). I also contextualize this counter hegemonic performance as a lynching drama, as well as among radical black feminist activism and blues performance. As such, lynching is identified as an emergent performance practice which not only reinforces white identity, but lynched subjectivities, as well. / text

Touring the state in the early 1980s, the “Texas Women: A Celebration of History” exhibit was the first attempt to create a comprehensive, public Texas women’s history narrative. Surprisingly, the exhibit was organized not by academics or museum professionals, but rather by the Texas Foundation for Women’s Resources—a nascent second-wave feminist non-profit organization composed of up-and-coming political activists such as Ann Richards, Sarah Weddington, Jane Hickie, and Martha Smiley. Through an analysis of the exhibit, as well as archival research and oral histories with many of the participants, this thesis explores the reasons that a feminist organization with finite resources would choose to focus on the production of women’s history as a tool of feminist activism. The “Texas Women” exhibit was a uniquely effective way for the members of the Texas Foundation for Women’s Resources to express their feminist values in a culturally palatable way and to create embodied moments of feminist consciousness for their audience. Furthermore, it paved the way for the organization’s future successful feminist projects, fed the production of Texas women’s history initiatives around the state, and served as a springboard that helped launch Ann Richards’ successful political career. / text

The starting point of this study is the common assumption that the Italian society is based on a patriarchal ideological system in which racism is often normalized. The binary distinction between women and men in Italian society has evolved into discussions and awareness raising on genderbased violence or violence against women. As intersectionality has become a central point in Italian contemporary feminism, this study uses the analysis of topics related to the historical creation of the idea of Italian-ness, migration and the influence of right-wing politics in current gender related issues as the basis of a feminist Critical Discourse Analysis. With this in mind, using intersectional theory, postcolonial feminism, and studies of whiteness, the study aims at exploring as to which extent the discourses of three white Italian women, who identify as feminist activists, influence the presence of racialized Italian women in their work. This study should create academic data and contribute to a research that is extremely limited on these topics.

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This study deals with sexual violence in the Kosovo conflict. Adopting a broad timeframe from 1998/99 to 2019 it analyses the discourse about sexual violence and considers the actors involved, focussing on practices of silencing and “un-silencing”. In 1998/99 international actors, particularly NATO member states, brought sexual violence into their narrative to justify military intervention. It was not until 2012, after more than a decade of silence, that conflict-related sexual violence began to be integrated into the narrative of heroism and victory in Kosovo itself. The author highlights particular turning points of the breaking of silence about wartime sexual violence when for the sake of certain political interests it came to be presented as a threat to the nation. Finally, she shows that aspects of gender hierarchization were hidden, which contributed once again to the reimposition of silence on individual survivors of sexual violence.

Målet med språkaktivism är att förändra samhället genom att förändra språket. Språkaktivism bedrivs ”underifrån” i syfte att utmana och på lång sikt upphäva diskriminerande samhällsstrukturer. I den här avhandlingen undersöks diskussioner om feministisk språkaktivism som förts i Sverige från 1960-talet till 2015. Under denna period har kvinnorörelsen, homo- och bisexuella, trans*aktivister och queera personer skapat en mängd nya ord för att ifrågasätta och förändra rådande normer kring kön och sexualitet; ombudskvinna, hen, hoan, h@n, kvinniskor, intergender, cisperson och pansexuell är bara några av dem. Aktivistiska språkförändringar ger upphov till re_aktioner av olika slag. Dessa är inte sällan uttryck för ett försvar av rådande sociala och samhälleliga könsnormer. När det till exempel gäller det omdiskuterade pronomenet hen så är det inte kombinationen av bokstäverna h, e och n i sig som upprör, utan det är de normkritiska intentionerna bakom bruket av ordet som skapar debatt. Att vissa grupper aktivt förändrar språket och att andra re_agerar så starkt på dessa förändringar visar att språket tillskrivs betydelse för upprätthållandet av samhälleliga normer och maktstrukturer. I avhandlingen analyseras, utifrån en diskursanalytisk ansats, diskussioner om feministisk språkförändring som har förts i tre kontexter: inom aktivistiska grupper, i kommentarsfält på nätet och inom den institutionaliserade språkvården. Avhandlingens centrala forskningsintresse är inriktat på relationen mellan språk och kön och relationen mellan språkförändringar och förändringar i den utomspråkliga, sociala världen och hur dessa relationer förstås i de tre kontexterna. / The aim of this thesis is to analyze discussions on feminist language change focusing on the period 1960–2015. The data comprises discussions from three different contexts: feminist communities, public forums for discussion on the internet and official language organizations. The analyzed data from the feminist communities consists of a range of different sources of text, for example newspapers, magazines, novels from the women’s movement, lesbian poetry, queer and trans*activist blogs, biographies, comics and plays, to name but a few. In addition to this two focus group discussions were conducted with five teenaged and five adult activists, each with a queer and/or trans*activist background. The data for the analyses of the discussions in public internet forums consists of 1 865 negative reactions to feminists’ language interventions. For the analyses of the reactions from the official language organizations, data was culled from 16 handbooks with language recommendations from the Language Council of Sweden and the Swedish Academy. My central research interest is how the actors in these three contexts understand and describe the relation between language and gender, and between strategic language change and changes in the social, non-linguistic world. Furthermore I investigate in which forms of gender-related discrimination the language changes are supposed to intervene. I adopt a critical discourse analytic and interdisciplinary approach that combines linguistic theories and methods with those from Gender Studies. The results show that Swedish language activists from the 1960s to the 1990s focused on linguistic interventions aimed at challenging patriarchal norms. In the 1980s homosexual activists, especially lesbian activists, began to intervene in heteronormative concepts. Until around the middle of the 1990s feminists acted from a binary concept of gender. From then on, queer and trans*activists have tried to challenge the idea of two, stable and natural gender categories. Language activists have seen language as performative and a tool for constructing reality. Even those who react negatively in forums on the internet to feminist language change assume that language has performative effects on the conceptualization of gender. The official language organizations, on the other hand, describe language in their recommendations mostly as something unpolitical that reflects rather than constructs society.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:29:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Celia Regina da Silva.pdf: 2198183 bytes, checksum: ed07c97b7e251fa4a4a674bbcdf38c8a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-14 / This study attempts to immerse into the experiences of women who take part in the hip-hop cultural movement. In particular, it has intended to discuss the organization of interactive arrangements and relations of belonging, presence and empowerment. Another goal in the research was to understand the interactive experience of women in social networks and their implications in contemporary youth cultural practices exercised periphery of the city, which serves as reference in the struggle against gender inequalities and racism. Finally, it has been investigated the connections between social interactions, culture and political action in the public sphere. The experience of identity, gender and participation in the online universe was constructed from readings on identity politics, feminist theory, and the social interactions afforded by ICTs. It was made contacts with different types of women through interviews, questionnaires, participation in events, visits to sites, and participation in the online social network. Among the results of the research can be highlighted the strengthening of actions and icons in the dissemination of hip-hop culture and the proposition about the political and social activism. / Estudo sobre as experiências vividas por mulheres negras que participam do movimento cultural hip-hop. Em particular, buscou-se discutir sobre a organização dos arranjos interativos e as relações de pertencimento, presença e empoderamento, tendo como elo a produção musical e as Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação (TICs).Desvendar as implicações que as TICs têm com as práticas culturais juvenis contemporâneas de periferia, que funcionam como referência no combate às desigualdades de gênero e do racismo. Investigar as conexões entre as interações sociais, a cultura e ação política na esfera pública. A experiência de identidade, gênero e participação no universo on-line foi construída a partir de leituras sobre as políticas identitárias, teorias feministas e das interações sociais proporcionadas pelas TICs. Os procedimentos metodológicos incluem a pesquisa bibliográfica, entrevistas semi-estruturadas, aplicação de formulários, observação a partir da participação em eventos, além de estudo de sites dos grupos estudados e participação nas redes sociais. Entre os resultados, destaca-se que há o fortalecimento das ações e de ícones na disseminação da cultura hip-hop e que a proposição sobre o ativismo político e social das jovens envolvidas no hip-hop.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:29:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Celia Regina da Silva.pdf: 2195111 bytes, checksum: 99b213bf346f7715454c7d5da3cf9edf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-14 / This study attempts to immerse into the experiences of women who take part in the hip-hop cultural movement. In particular, it has intended to discuss the organization of interactive arrangements and relations of belonging, presence and empowerment. Another goal in the research was to understand the interactive experience of women in social networks and their implications in contemporary youth cultural practices exercised periphery of the city, which serves as reference in the struggle against gender inequalities and racism. Finally, it has been investigated the connections between social interactions, culture and political action in the public sphere. The experience of identity, gender and participation in the online universe was constructed from readings on identity politics, feminist theory, and the social interactions afforded by ICTs. It was made contacts with different types of women through interviews, questionnaires, participation in events, visits to sites, and participation in the online social network. Among the results of the research can be highlighted the strengthening of actions and icons in the dissemination of hip-hop culture and the proposition about the political and social activism. / Estudo sobre as experiências vividas por mulheres negras que participam do movimento cultural hip-hop. Em particular, buscou-se discutir sobre a organização dos arranjos interativos e as relações de pertencimento, presença e empoderamento, tendo como elo a produção musical e as Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação (TICs).Desvendar as implicações que as TICs têm com as práticas culturais juvenis contemporâneas de periferia, que funcionam como referência no combate às desigualdades de gênero e do racismo. Investigar as conexões entre as interações sociais, a cultura e ação política na esfera pública. A experiência de identidade, gênero e participação no universo on-line foi construída a partir de leituras sobre as políticas identitárias, teorias feministas e das interações sociais proporcionadas pelas TICs. Os procedimentos metodológicos incluem a pesquisa bibliográfica, entrevistas semi-estruturadas, aplicação de formulários, observação a partir da participação em eventos, além de estudo de sites dos grupos estudados e participação nas redes sociais. Entre os resultados, destaca-se que há o fortalecimento das ações e de ícones na disseminação da cultura hip-hop e que a proposição sobre o ativismo político e social das jovens envolvidas no hip-hop.

Carmen de Burgos est morte en 1932, laissant derrière elle une œuvre écrite considérable : des milliers d’articles publiés dans différents journaux, des essais, des romans et des centaines de novelas cortas. L’œuvre et le souvenir de cette militante pour les droits de la femme furent condamnés à l’oubli pendant la dictature franquiste. C’est à la redécouverte et à l’analyse de cette œuvre, dans ses divers aspects, qu’est consacrée cette thèse. Nous y avons cherché les constantes mais aussi les évolutions. Carmen de Burgos a, en effet, évolué dans sa conception du rôle de la femme et des droits qu’elle devait conquérir. Au départ elle centrait plutôt son combat sur l’obtention de droits juridiques et sociaux plus égalitaires. Elle revendiquait une meilleure éducation pour les filles, éducation qui permettrait de travailler dignement et d’acquérir ainsi une indépendance économique. Elle militait pour le droit au divorce. Néanmoins, très vite elle comprendra que le changement ne pourra se faire qu’à travers les urnes et prendra donc très ouvertement des positions en faveur du suffrage féminin, allant jusqu’à organiser la première manifestation de rue en faveur du vote. Les fictions qu'elle a écrites ont été en général considérées comme de la littérature militante, sans grand intérêt littéraire. C'est pourquoi, après avoir étudié en quoi les intrigues, les dénouements et la construction des personnages étaient au service de la cause défendue, nous avons cherché à évaluer la qualité littéraire, qui ne nous a pas paru négligeable, de cette œuvre. Nous avons aussi voulu déterminer si son œuvre de fiction n’était qu’un outil au service des causes qu’elle défendait ou si elle offrait de réelles qualités littéraires. / Carmen de Burgos died in 1932, leaving behind a considerable amount of written material: thousands of articles published in different newspapers, essays, novels and hundreds of “novelas cortas”. The works and the memory of this women’s rights activist were doomed to oblivion during Franco’s dictatorship. This thesis aims to rediscover and analyse these works from its various perspectives. We have been looking for the constant trends but also the evolutions. Carmen de Burgos has indeed evolved in her conception of the woman’s role and of the rights she had to acquire. In the early stages of her fight, she had been mainly focusing on the acquisition of equalitarian legal and social rights. She claimed a better education for girls; education that would allow them to work with dignity and gain economical independence. She was campaigning for the right to divorce. Nevertheless, she soon understood that change could only occur through the ballot boxes and would thus very openly stood in favour of women’s right to vote, up to the point of organising the first street demonstration in favour of women’s vote. The fictions she wrote were, in general, considered activist literature, without a great literary interest. That’s why after having studied in which ways the plots, the denouements and the construction of the characters were serving the cause of women, we tried to evaluate the literary quality of the work, which appeared to us to have some significance. We also wanted to determine if her fiction work was just a tool serving the causes she was defending or if it offered some really good quality literature.

I denna studie undersöks Feministiskt Initiativs (F!) motion om att byta ut könsprefixet -man till det könsneutrala -person i kommunpolitiken. Detta med fokus på bytet av tjänsteman till tjänsteperson i de utvalda kommunerna för undersökningen. Dessa är Malmö stad, där motionen gick igenom, Umeå kommun, där motionen inte gick igenom, samt Uppsala kommun där motionen gick igenom efter revidering. Jag undersöker även ordet hen och relaterar detta till motionen för att se ifall det finns tendenser till att jämnställt språk ökar. Syftet är att undersöka användningen av yrkesbeteckningarna tjänsteman och tjänsteperson samt pronomet hen i dessa tre kommuner. Detta undersöks genom en kvantitativ metod på kommunernas hemsidor där förekomster av tjänsteman, tjänsteperson och hen räknas. Mina teoretiska utgångspunkter utgår från Hirdman (1988) om genussystemet och Milles (2019) om könsprefixet -man i kommunpolitiken. Jag använder mig även av Pauwels (2011) om kvinnors förtryck i språket och Nordenstam (2003) om början på den feministiska diskursiva aktivismen. Jag har också valt att använda mig av Milles (2002) som beskriver de två typer av diskriminering som kvinnan blir utsatt för i språket samt Jobin (2004) om bland annat hur könsneutralt språk uppmärksammades i riksdagen för första gången.  Resultatet visade på att användningen av tjänsteperson har ökat i samtliga kommuner samtidigt som användningen av tjänsteman minskat. Detta även i Umeå kommun, där motionen inte gick igenom. Detta visar på hur viktig själva diskussionen om könsneutralt språk är, oavsett om motioner eller förslag om förändringar av språket, går igenom eller inte. Hen användes inte i så stor utsträckning i någon av kommunerna innan motionen tagits upp och Uppsala kommun var den kommun som använde hen i störst omfattning före motionen tagits upp. Användningen av hen har däremot ökat i alla kommunerna efter motionen tagits upp.