Studies have shown that climate change causes large scale human displacement. With this as background this thesis investigates the connection between climate change and immigration/asylum in EU documents. The EU is an institution that has not acknowledged the existence of climate change induced migration despite outside awareness that the phenomenon exists. This thesis analyzes discourses about climate change and immigration/asylum in the EU in order to find out how EU regards climate change induced migrants, and why it has not acknowledged their existence or provides protection. The thesis found that discourses of inclusion and exclusion based on European ethnicity and culture restricts possibilities for migrants from developing countries to come to Europe. It also found that EU represents its strategy to fight climate change as comprehensive and leaves no room for changes in that strategy. These two findings in combination explain why climate change induced migrants are not acknowledged, and in extension do not get protection from the EU. The research found that the absence of an acknowledgement and protection for climate change induced migrants is influenced by political discourses in the EU that see unskilled immigrants from developing countries as a threat and danger to Europe and its current climate change strategy as sufficient for coping with the effects of climate change.

This thesis explores the long-run relationship between forced migration and political outcomes in the host society. In the aftermath of the Greco-Turkish War (1919-1922), over 1.2 million Greek-Orthodox individuals were forcibly relocated from the lands of Anatolia to Greece. Their resettlement, facilitated by international assistance, meant an ethnic division between the locals and newcomers, with the latter group becoming the pivotal political actor. This study examines the legacy of the resettlement of the Greek-Orthodox refugees on the politics of Greece's debt crisis era (2010-2015), a period when Greece's alignment with Europe was in question. Using a newly compiled dataset on voting patterns in the 2015 Greek bailout referendum and four legislative elections, alongside municipality-level characteristics, the analysis finds no significant relationship between the local share of resettled refugees and support for the "NO" vote or Eurosceptic parties. These findings contribute to the existing literature by offering a perspective on the long-run political impacts of a historic episode of forced displacement within the context of Greece's strategic dilemma between Europeanisation and sovereigntism.

The aim of this research project is to explore the socio-economic and environmental effects experienced by the relocated population at Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP). Large dams are constructed for irrigation, generation of hydroelectricity, consumption and so forth. In the case of Lesotho, the LHWP was constructed with the purpose of selling water to South Africa to earn royalties and generate hydroelectricity. Despite the fact that a number of factors are advanced to justify the construction of large dams, phenomenal experience has shown that the consequences emanating from their construction are sometimes irreversible and painful, for instance resettlement. This research study therefore sought to investigate the socio-economic and environmental impacts experienced by the affected community emanating from LHWP resettlement programme at Ha Thetsane and Ha Makhalanyane; whether the standard of living of resettlees as measured in terms of access to services has improved or not; the extent of their participation in the resettlement programme; their perception on their standard of living; the extent to which the people have adapted to their forced removal from their homelands; investigate the compensation process; and make tailored recommendations concerning the environmental impacts of involuntary resettlement on the lives of the Basotho people. Qualitative approach was used to collect both primary and secondary data. Literature review was undertaken to provide background information to the problem statement, the methodology design, the theories and other factors used to justify the construction of large dams. The existing literature led to a deeper understanding of the impacts of larger dams, reaction towards construction of large dams and Lesotho’s experience regarding the construction of large dams. Interviews were also conducted. The data collected were written into descriptive analysis form. The resettlement programme at Ha Thetsane and Ha Makhalanyane has resulted in both positive and negative impacts. The study has concluded that there is a need to engage all the stakeholders affected by involuntary resettlement through a transparent public participation process; consider more sustainable means of livelihoods; furnish resettlees with information on the options to enable them to make informed decisions; fulfil promises in order to build trust with the resettlees. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2011.

There are currently several potential threats to the long-term habitability of many atolls and islands in the Pacific Islands region, with environmental change appearing the most serious. Minimal attention has been given to the possibility that migrants forced from uninhabitable islands will require resettlement en masse, and assessing past resettlements is crucial to planning for what the future my hold. Population resettlement is not a new phenomenon in the Pacific Islands region, yet recently it has been neglected by academics. This study builds on past work by Bedford and assesses the current literature in the fields of population resettlement and forced migration, finding that the situation threatening the Pacific Islands is not adequately addressed by any of the planning or analytical tools available. A model based predominantly on the work of Cernea and Muggah was developed by the author to account for this theoretical shortcoming. The model is used to assess the past cases of resettlement from Banaba and Bikini Atoll, identifying variables which influence the success of resettlement. Conclusions are drawn from the case studies and recommendations for how to avoid negative outcomes in future resettlements are made. This study advances the current literature, provides an in-depth analysis of pressing yet hitherto avoided issues, and can inform both foreign and domestic policy planning in not just Pacific Island states, but receiver states and other potentially effected islands or atolls regardless of region.

Extensive evidence of atrocities committed against black workers on white-owned farms has consistently been uncovered by progressive organisations working in the rural areas in South Africa. The evidence suggests the need for a thorough and systematic investigation of the nature and extent of violence on the farms, as well as a more systematic exposure of the findings. For the most part, the personality of rural South Africa remains a mystery to urban dwellers. The Black Sash and its rural project, the Transvaal Rural Action Committee (TRAC), approached the Project for the Study of Violence to undertake this research and this report was first presented at the Project's seminar programme at the University of the Witwatersrand. Its findings have provoked strong responses from the farming sector. Kobus Kleyhans, the Deputy Director, General Services of the South African Agricultural Union (SAAU), was quoted in The Star as saying, ‘According to my observations, the situation (on the farms) is quite different. I reject these findings with contempt; they are nothing near the real situation... I will not deny, that some farmers do not treat their workers as they should, but this sort of information is not representative’. (The Star; October 1990) In reply, it should be emphasised that firstly, while this study was conducted only in the South Eastern Transvaal, the case studies in this report are not isolated incidents but were selected out of a large range of similar occurrences in the area. Secondly, rural advice offices in the Western and Northern Transvaal, have reported similar cases of violent abuse of labourers on white owned farms in their areas. Although the specific contours of the communities in these regions have not been investigated, some of the case studies directly corroborate the findings of this report. The timing of this report is opportune as it coincides with President De Klerk’s announcement that the Land Acts of 1913 and 1936 are to be abolished. These Acts have been pivotal in forging and determining the violent and exploitative relations on the land. The announcement is therefore welcomed as a significant step towards creating the conditions for changing the balance of power on the land. At the same time, this report serves as a warning against the belief that the scrapping of the Land Acts will put an end to the varying forms of violence on the farms. Just as repealing these laws will not necessarily ensure equitable redistribution of the land in South Africa, so too do they not necessarily signal a move towards more equitable labour relations on white farms. This report makes this clear in three ways. Firstly, the racist attitudes and convictions of many white farmers is shown to underpin much of the violence on the farms. These attitudes will prevail well after the scrapping of the Acts. A reversal of these attitudes will only take place after a lengthy educative process undertaken by groups such as the local churches, the South African Agricultural Union, the Rural Foundation etc. Secondly, it is the very fear of white farmers and their increasingly vulnerable position, that has contributed to a growing pattern of abusive behaviour against farmworkers. The strength of the opposition of hundreds of white farmers to the scrapping of the Land Acts was demonstrated in their march on the union buildings just after the announcement was made. Thirdly, the networks that have contributed - directly and indirectly - to the violence on the farms, such as the courts and police, are still firmly entrenched in the rural areas. For these reasons, a campaign against against farmworker abuse is more pertinent than ever before. We are calling for several steps to be taken. / Revised Edition

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:24:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 1638.pdf: 2449937 bytes, checksum: 9ada971042e6ba10bfb9815b66e9c98c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-12-06 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / The history of Colombia is characterized by violent processes of population expulsion that date back half of the twentieth century and which has been deepened as a consequence of internal armed conflict which resumes in 90´s. Since 1985 until nowadays, 3,700,000 people have been displaced. Who is obliged to flee, leaves rural areas to the cities closest to his place of housing. However, the deepening of the conflict is forcing people continue moving to the big cities, where are greater opportunities for anonymity. Thus, considering the peculiarities of internal displacement, we proposed to characterize -from the perception of actors- the personal networks of a group of migrants by the internal armed conflict, which today live in neighborhoods of Ciudad Bolivar in Bogotá. This is, the way of the networks act, are affected and rebuilt on the migratory path. Our aim was evident if, in the same way as it happens with other types of migration, there is a logic of communication, permanence, re-configuration and organization of social networks; In addition to describe the situations that facilitate, influence or limit these processes. The methodology of research emphasized on record -in a notebook and a record- the comments made by people and the narratives during the contact with the researcher in informal and formal interviews. The configuration of personal networks was complemented with the application of a survey. As a result of search, we can say that there is a logical of networks in time to elect Bogotá as destination. Usually, relatives or acquaintances, whose migrated before - because of the violence or economic reasons- or there is a previous experience housing in Bogotá. These links are essential in processes of adaptation to city. With the coexistence in the city, displaced persons will meet neighbors, coworkers, employees of NGOs and institutions of the state, which will be adding to the range of their relationships. However, violence, fear and distrust are some factors that influence the incorporation of new ties and the preservation of ancient, affecting the dynamics and the configuration of networks / A história da Colômbia se caracteriza por violentos processos de expulsão de população que datam da metade do século XX, e que têm se aprofundado como conseqüência do conflito armado interno que recomeça na década de 90. Estatisticamente, desde o ano de 1985 até hoje são 3.700.000 pessoas que têm se deslocado. Quem está obrigado a fugir, sai das zonas rurais até os municípios mais próximos de seu lugar de moradia. No entanto, o aprofundamento do conflito obriga as pessoas a continuarem se deslocando até as grandes cidades onde são maiores as possibilidades de anonimato. Assim, considerando as particularidades do deslocamento interno, se propôs caracterizar a partir da percepção dos atores a forma como as redes pessoais de um grupo de migrantes advindos do conflito armado interno que, hoje, moram nos bairros da subprefeitura de Ciudad Bolívar, em Bogotá agem, se afetam e se reconstroem na trajetória migratória. Nosso intuito era evidenciar se, da mesma maneira como acontece com outros tipos de migração, há uma lógica de comunicação, permanência, reconfiguração e organização das redes sociais; além de descrever as situações que facilitam, condicionam ou limitam estes processos. A metodologia de pesquisa enfatizou o registro em caderno de campo e mediante gravação das observações e narrativas feitas pelas pessoas durante os contatos com a pesquisadora, em entrevistas informais e em profundidade. A configuração das redes pessoais foi complementada com a aplicação de um survey. Como resultado da pesquisa, podemos dizer que existe uma lógica de redes na hora de eleger Bogotá como destino, geralmente porque há familiares ou conhecidos que migraram antes por causa da violência ou por razões econômicas ou porque existe uma experiência prévia de moradia ou contato com Bogotá. Estes laços constituem-se chave nos processos de adaptação à cidade. Com o convívio na cidade, as pessoas deslocadas vão conhecendo vizinhos, colegas de trabalho, funcionários de ONGs ou de instituições do Estado, que vão se adicionando ao seu leque de relacionamentos. No entanto, a violência, o medo e a desconfiança são alguns fatores que condicionam a incorporação de novos laços e a conservação de antigos, afetando a dinâmica e a configuração das redes destes migrantes

The study aimed to explore and describe the forced migration experiences of Somali refugees living in Port Elizabeth, South Africa and the impact of refugee-specific trauma on this population. A mixed method triangulation research design with a quantitative weighting was employed and purposive snowball, non-probability sampling was used to construct a sample of 30 adult Somali refugees from Port Elizabeth’s Korsten community. Participants were included in the study if they fulfilled the pre-defined inclusion criteria of having successfully applied for refugee status, having resided in South Africa for at least six months and being 18 years or older. A semi-structured interview questionnaire was developed by the researcher to operationalise the constructs being measured. The questionnaire comprised a biographical and antecedent event(s) questionnaires as well as sections of the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire Revised Version. Data was then analysed via exploratory descriptive statistics and correlation coefficients. The research found that the majority of Somali refugees cited conflict, insecurity and instability as the mainn reasons for leaving their country of origin, suggesting the basic need for safety and security was unmet. One third of the sample reported that the main reason for leaving was the same as their most traumatic life event. The average participant had experienced 16 traumatic events and experienced 23 trauma symptoms on average, demonstrating high levels of trauma among the study population. The study recommends that the link between the main reason for forced migration and refugee trauma be explored.

Depuis 1996, conflits armés, grand banditisme (coupeurs de route) et razzias ont forcé des centaines de milliers de Centrafricains à migrer, à l’intérieur de leur pays (déplacés internes) ou vers l'étranger proche (réfugiés au Cameroun et au Tchad). Au travers divers courants de la géographie (politique, du développement, des mobilités), ce travail montre que les migrations forcées se construisent au croisement entre les pratiques des migrants et les choix politiques des structures d'encadrement (États, groupes armés, organisations d'aide humanitaire). Il se fonde sur une approche transversale de la migration forcée (du lieu d'origine au retour éventuel) et sur des enquêtes de terrain multi-situées (Centrafrique, Cameroun, Tchad). Une première partie démontre que les violences ne sont pas causées par la faiblesse de l'État centrafricain, mais par les politiques de ses dirigeants. Les populations sont prises pour cible dans des conflits irréguliers pour contrôler l'appareil d'État et par des groupes armés qui pillent les ressources (bétail, récoltes, infrastructures publiques, diamants). Une seconde partie montre que si les insécurités jouent sur l'ampleur, la répartition spatiale et la durée des exils, les migrants orientent leurs cheminements selon leurs habitudes circulatoires. Ils empruntent divers champs de mobilités pour fuir les violences (mobilités agricoles et pastorales, relations villes-campagnes). Une troisième partie met en perspective le rôle de l'aide humanitaire et des politiques d'asile dans la production de l'espace migratoire, autour de deux formes d’accueil : les camps de réfugiés, la dispersion des migrants dans des villes et des villages. / Since 1996, armed conflicts, organized crime (road bandits) and raids have forced hundreds of thousands of Central African Republic people to migrate within their own country (IDPs) or to bordering countries (refugee in Cameroon and Chad). Through various geographical schools (political, development, mobility), this work demonstrate that forced migrations results from both the practices of migrants and the political choices or the supervisory organizations (states, armed groups, humanitarian organizations). It is based on a transversal approach of forced migration (ranging from the starting point of the migrant up to his possible return) and multi-located field surveys (CAR, Cameroon, Chad). The first part shows that violence is not caused by the weakness of the CAR state, but by the policies of its leaders. The populations are targeted in the course or irregular conflicts aimed at controlling the political machinery and by armed groups plundering ressources (livestock, crops, public infrastructure, diamonds). The second part shows that if insecurities influence the extent, the spatial distribution and the duration of exiles, migrants direct their paths according to their regular circulations. They use various fields of mobility to escape violence (agricultural and pastoral mobility, urban-rural relationship). A third part put sinto perspective the role of humanitarian aid and asylum policies in the production of the migratory space (refugee, camps, dispersion of migrants).

This master thesis deals with a study of forced migration from the Chechen republic during Chechen wars in 1996-2002. The aim of the paper is to contribute to the study of migration strategies of refugees from Chechnya. This qualitative study attempts to grasp the complexity of forced migration process and to depict it from the perspective of refugees. It explores motives and strategies of mobility of the Chechen refugees now living in Russia and Austria and of those refugees, who have returned to Chechnya after the war was over. The impact of this armed conflict on population mobility was examined with a qualitative research of sixteen refugees, who had left Chechnya because of the war. The results of the research show the link between refugee's age and likelihood of return, differences in decision-making of Chechen and Russian refugees, and the strong influence of the social networks on the decision-making and after arrival at destination. Key words Chechnya, forced migration, reasons for migration, destinations, returns, qualitative approach

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