Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1973. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

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Agriculture is one of the largest industries in the world. Rural communities in the U.S., and specifically in Southern Illinois, have significant cultural and economic ties to agriculture. Since the 1950s, information about agriculture topics and issues decreased in mainstream media, while niche agriculture and trade publications have become more prevalent. Mainstream media portray agriculture producers as either bucolic, passive people not able to manage their own affairs, or as evil capitalists out to make a profit at any cost. The classic center-periphery model of Johan Galtung (1971) illustrates how economic and political centers benefit by restricting information flow out of, and among industrial and geographic peripheries. The center-periphery model has been used in recent sociology and communication studies to explicate how urban media frame and present rural areas. This study examines agriculture coverage in Southern Illinois newspapers. Agriculture news is evaluated to determine what topics are covered and what perspective is being advanced. Agriculture coverage in 30 newspapers was compared to general news content. In-depth interviews were conducted with editors of four rural newspapers to determine the decision-making process for covering agriculture news. Agriculture news was primarily national in perspective, while general news content was mostly local in perspective. Agriculture commodity markets, youth organization news, and weather related articles were the most common topics in agriculture articles. Front page agriculture stories ranked seventh out of 10 topics in both frequencies and prominence. Editors claim to make local news a priority, but feel they are not qualified to write about most agriculture issues due to the increasing technical nature of the industry.

Imperialism has for a long time been an important concept in international relations. The literature identifies many different types of imperialism. After the great de-colonization scientists stopped discussing “classic” imperialism, i.e. using physical strength in the form of conquest and occupation to subdue weaker states. Instead focus has for decades been on a new form of imperialism using economic measures to suppress weaker states; this is called neo-imperialism. Galtung, one of the leading scholars of imperialism, is among the scholars who have dismissed classic imperialism to be a thing of the past. This study asks whether classical imperialism can explain the situation in Morocco-Western Sahara and China-Tibet. Implementing the theories of classic imperialism and identifying several typical indicators of its existence clearly show the presence of classic imperialism in the case studies of China’s occupation of Tibet and the Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara. Thus, the results tell us that these theories are still of relevance in explaining the relationship between a stronger state and a weaker neighbouring state.

<p>Imperialism has for a long time been an important concept in international relations. The literature identifies many different types of imperialism. After the great de-colonization scientists stopped discussing “classic” imperialism, i.e. using physical strength in the form of conquest and occupation to subdue weaker states. Instead focus has for decades been on a new form of imperialism using economic measures to suppress weaker states; this is called neo-imperialism. Galtung, one of the leading scholars of imperialism, is among the scholars who have dismissed classic imperialism to be a thing of the past.</p><p>This study asks whether classical imperialism can explain the situation in Morocco-Western Sahara and China-Tibet. Implementing the theories of classic imperialism and identifying several typical indicators of its existence clearly show the presence of classic imperialism in the case studies of China’s occupation of Tibet and the Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara. Thus, the results tell us that these theories are still of relevance in explaining the relationship between a stronger state and a weaker neighbouring state.</p>

The purpose of the study was to examine how social services manage cases involving elder abuse and whether the cases were managed differently depending on the gender of the client. To answer the study’s purpose and questions, qualitative interviews were conducted with social workers who worked in social services (n=6) and who had experience of cases involving elder abuse. The data was analyzed by Johan Galtung’s model of violence and by the theoretical concepts of ageism and intersectionality. The results from the rather scarce experiences of cases of older people who are victims of violence showed that there were  major differences in how elder abuse is carried out and the forms it takes, compared to abuse towards younger age-groups. However, there seems to be a lack of knowledge about elder abuse as well as a lack of guidelines for how cases involving elder abuse should be managed in the social services. Our conclusion was that the lack of guidelines prevents social workers from identifying and fully understanding elder abuse, as well as obtaining knowledge of how cases involving elder abuse should be managed. / Studiens syfte var att undersöka hur äldre som utsätts för våld hanteras inom socialtjänsten samt om det finns skillnader i ärendehanteringen beroende på om klienterna är män eller kvinnor. För att besvara studiens syfte och frågeställningar genomfördes kvalitativa intervjuer med socialarbetare som arbetade inom socialtjänsten (n=6) och som hade erfarenhet av våld mot äldre. Data har analyserats med hjälp av Johan Galtungs modell om våld samt de teoretiska begreppen ålderism och intersektionalitet. Resultaten visade att äldre personer som utsatts för våld sällan förekommande fall inom socialtjänsten. Det finns stora skillnader i hur våld mot äldre utövas och hur det ter sig, jämfört med våld bland yngre åldersgrupper. Samtidigt är kunskapen om våld mot äldre bristfällig, och riktlinjer för hur ärenden som involverar våld mot äldre ska hanteras saknas i socialtjänsten. Vår slutsats var att avsaknaden av riktlinjer gjorde det svårare för socialarbetare att förstå och identifiera våld mot äldre, så väl som att få kunskap om hur ärenden som involverar våld mot äldre ska hanteras.

The Colombian society is heading towards a new political dawn with the signing of the peace accord between the government and the Marxist guerrilla Farc in 2016. The civil war between the guerrilla and the Colombian state broke out in the 1960´s, and has gathered a lot of media attention over the years. This thesis will focus on how Swedish media has portrayed the conflict, and what frames they are using – a frame that is focusing on peace or a frame that focus on war? The study will be carried out with a qualitative content analysis method based on Johan Galtung’s Peace Journalism theory, examining 148 articles published by Svenska Dagbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet and Expressen on the subject of the Colombian conflict during the years 1995, 2002, 2009 and 2017.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-08-20T17:09:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2014-12-22. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-08-20T17:26:47Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000841140.pdf: 2235526 bytes, checksum: 2ca4c127433d39204b0130158622193c (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este estudo, de natureza qualitativa, tem por objetivo analisar, à luz da teoria galtuniana, os discursos de membros de torcidas organizadas acerca das violências no futebol brasileiro. O estudo alia a pesquisa bibliográfica à pesquisa exploratória, utilizando entrevistas semi-estruturadas como instrumento para a produção de dados. O corpus do estudo é composto por 22 torcedores organizados, sendo 9 membros da Torcida Independente, 9 da Torcida Dragões da Real e 4 membros da Torcida Falange Tricolor. A discrepância no número de participantes se justifica devido ao encerramento das atividades da torcida organizada Falange Tricolor, no início do ano de 2014. Os dados provenientes das entrevistas foram analisados segundo a Análise do Discurso de linha francesa. A análise discursiva, inicialmente, investigou as cadeias parafrásticas e apontou que, nas entrevistas realizadas com os 22 participantes, foram produzidos 156 sentidos de violência. A partir da aglutinação destes 156 sentidos, foram identificados 4 principais discursos acerca da violência no futebol brasileiro - D(1), D(2), D(3) e D(4). O primeiro discurso sobre a violência - D(1)- contempla a agressão, subdividindo-se em física e simbólica. O D(2) contempla a falta de infraestrutura física e serviços dentro dos estádios. O terceiro discurso - D(3) - abarca a má gestão e organização do futebol e o D(4), a ineficiência de serviços públicos. No cotejamento dos 4 discursos produzidos com o conceito galtuniano de violência, em linhas gerais, tem-se que: o D(1) seria equivalente à violência direta, já os D(2), D(3) e D(4), seriam equivalentes à violência estrutural. As torcidas organizadas se aproximam dos referenciais de violência e paz, por meio de distintas práticas e representações, no que se refere à violência aponta-se: o protagonismo em episódios de violência direta, a autoafirmação e legitimação por meio desta, a intolerância... / This qualitative study aims to investigate, from Galtung's theory standpoint, the discourses of members of torcidas organizadas about violences in the Brazilian football. The study combines the literature review and exploratory research using semi-structured interviews as a tool for data production. The corpus of this study consists of 22 torcedores organizados, 9 being members of Torcida Independente, 9 members of Dragões da Real and 4 members of Torcida Falange Tricolor. The discrepancy in the number of participants is justified due to the end of activities of torcida organizada Falange Tricolor at the beginning of 2014. Data from the interviews were analyzed according of Discourse Analysis of French school. The discursive analysis, initially, investigated the paraphrase and pointed out that in all the 22 interviews were produced 156 meanings of violence. Agglutinating all this data (156 meanings of violence 4 main discourses about violence in Brazillian football - D(1), D(2), D(3) and D(4) were identified. The first discourse about violence - D(1) - contemplates the aggression, subdivided into physical and symbolic. The D(2) contemplates the lack of physical infrastructure ans services within the stadiums, The third discourse - D(3) - contemplates the bad management and organization of football and the D(4), the inefficiency of public services. Comparing the 4 produced discourses with the galtunian's theory of violence, in general terms, the first discourse - D(1) is equivalent to direct violence, and the D(2), D(3) and D(4) are categorized as structural violence. The torcidas organizadas approach themselves from peace and violence concepts through different practices and representations. In relation with violence, is pointed out: the important role of torcidas in direct violence episodes, self-affirmation and legitimation through direct violence, the intolerance (distance from rival groups), the lack of institutionalized...

This thesis battles with the question on how we can create peace and solve conflicts withoutthe use of violence. It mixes the academic disciplines of peace and conflict, sociology and thestudy of human rights. Using the theories concerning conflict and conflict resolution of JohanGaltung and the theories of strategic nonviolence of Gene Sharp the tools of creating peace bynonviolence is crafted in a comparative study. Then, by conducting hypothetical experimentswithin the conflict of Western Sahara using the tools the conclusion is reached. Differentaspects of violence, peace and power is discussed and analyzed and different weaknesses andstrengths of nonviolent strategies is scrutinized. Finally the different subjects are put togetherin a discussion of what it takes to create peace by nonviolent means. What are the costs ofpeace, what to we have to be willing to pay to solve conflicts, what should our ultimate goalbe? The conclusion is perhaps slightly underwhelming but ultimately crucial to understand.There is no shortcuts to peace and there is no quick fix to solving conflicts. / Den här uppsatsen behandlar frågan om hur vi kan skapa fred och lösa konflikter med hjälp avickevåldet. Den berör både studier om fred och konflikt, sociologi och mänskliga rättigheter. Ien jämförande studie av Johan Galtungs teorier om fred och konflikt och Gene Sharps teorierom strategiskt ickevåld så skapas verktygen för att stifta fred med ickevåldsliga medel. De härverktygen prövas sedan i hypotetiska experiment i konflikten i Västsahara. Olika aspekter avvåld, fred och makt diskuteras och analyseras. Olika svagheter och styrkor med ickevåldsligastrategier behandlas. Slutligen behandlas dessa olika ämnen i en diskussion kring vad somkrävs för att skapa fred med ickevåldsliga medel. Vad kostar fred, vad behöver vi vara villigaatt betala för att lösa konflikter och vad borde det slutgiltiga målet vara? Slutsatsen ärmåhända underväldigande men likväl avgörande att förstå. Det finns inga genvägar till fredoch det finns ingen snabb metod för att lösa konflikter.

When people flee armed conflict, they often end up in refugee settlements in neighboring countries. In the case of South Sudanese refugees, they will often find themselves living next to people from the opposite side of the conflict. Although tensions and conflicts have been seen in many of these settlements, other settlements remain relatively calm. This case study seeks to understand how different South Sudanese tribes in Maaji II settlement in Northern Uganda relate to each other, and how these relations can be assessed using Johan Galtung’s theory of positive and negative peace. Using qualitative research methods, e.g. participant observation and interview data gathered in Maaji II settlement, this study seeks to understand the refugees' own definitions of tribe, tribalism, and peace, and to analyze their experiences in the settlement using Galtung’s concepts. The analysis showed that although positive developments had led to low levels of physical violence, tensions remained among the tribes, which were further exacerbated by communication barriers. Moreover, efforts by refugee leaders to promote peace focused on creating a peaceful and non-violent present and future, and no attention was paid to healing past violence. Nevertheless, deliberate actions and natural developments had led to increasing interactions among different tribes. The refugees’ own definitions of peace resembled Galtung’s concept of positive peace. Furthermore, the refugees all agreed that the settlement was peaceful, in spite of the analysis finding that the settlement can at best be explained as being in a state of negative peace. Thus, the intertribal relations in Maaji II settlement are largely free from direct physical violence, but the presence of cultural violence remains a hindrance for sustainable positive peace. These findings show that there is a need for a deeper understanding of intertribal relations among refugee populations in order to create more effective peacebuilding interventions.