This is a qualitative case study about tourists and boat migrants in movement to and in place on the Canary Islands, Spain. The aim is to study how these two groups of guests are treated differently, either as guests or strangers, based on how they move, illegally or legally, where they come from and where they have rights to go. To analyze the case I use theories of how differences in ethnicity, culture and religion etc. are created and recreated in society in interactions among humans and in the politics - the politics of difference. The politics of difference creates and recreates categories of mobility such as tourists and boat migrants. Scholars as Michael Azar, Nikolas Rose and Tim Cresswell mean that the politics of difference, which involve control, division, exclusion and unequal distribution of resources, are violent processes. The recreation and the maintenance of the different categories, tourist and boat migrant, show violent actions both in the movements of the groups and the treatment on place. Therefore the problem researched shows how these violent actions of the politics of difference manifest themselves in creating and recreating the categories of tourist and boat migrant. In analyzing the violence I use the theory of Johan Galtung. He defines violence as assaults against basic human needs divided in structural and direct violence. In the case of tourists and boat migrants the politics of difference affect several aspects of needs such as survival, freedom, identity and meaning and wellbeing. In the perspective of the tourist the structural violence is natural because of its contribution to the stability of society while the violence becomes direct to the needs of the boat migrant. This shows how the politics of difference neglect the human rights in practice.

1. OBJETIVOS Y ENFOQUE GENERAL.La tesis ocupa de un asunto de larga tradición entre filósofos, metodólogos y científicos empíricos: la relación entre teoría social y práctica política, clave y polémico respecto de la fundamentación y el quehacer de las ciencias sociales. No en vano la teoría social en general (o la teoría política y las Relaciones Internacionales en particular) se conciben a menudo no sólo como un procedimiento para analizar, comprender y explicar políticas pasadas y presentes, sino también como guía potencial, e incluso imperativo, para la acción política. Así las cosas, preguntarse por la posibilidad y legitimidad de hacer del conocimiento social la base de la acción, presupone la elucidación de un interrogante previo: ¿Es posible contar con un conocimiento social objetivo u objetivable? En suma, un nuevo encuentro con la vieja y recurrente discusión sobre la objetividad de las ciencias sociales.Existen diversas maneras de acercarse al problema de la objetividad de y en las ciencias sociales. Probablemente la más clásica es la que reduce el problema a discernir si éstas deberían asemejarse -metodológicamente- a las ciencias naturales, consideradas corno lo más cercano a un discurso objetivo. Quienes han optado por este enfoque suelen acabar postulando su acuerdo o disconformidad con asunciones más o menos fuertes al respecto, o bien defendiendo el eclecticismo.La presente tesis no participa de tal costumbre de abordar el problema, puesto que se interesa por un caso concreto: la "peace research" y -en parte- su vinculación con las Relaciones Internacionales en un momento en que en ambas áreas priva el pluralismo teórico y la falta de modelos explicativos genéricos. En ese sentido el titulo general de la tesis, "La objetividad de las ciencias sociales", debe interpretarse corno el marco en el que se resuelve el caso que se estudia: la gestación de la "peace research" y su vinculación con las Relaciones Internacionales, dos disciplinas con una notoria carga del -usando la expresión de Gunnar Myrdal- "elemento político", que nunca han renunciado a la dimensión prescriptiva y normativa.Esa óptica permite singularizar los escollos y eventuales errores de autores que a menudo no diferencian nítidamente las dos preguntas básicas que subyacen tras el problema de la objetividad: ¿es posible sostener o defender (y por consiguiente verificar o refutar) con independencia de valores una teoría social determinada? ¿Se puede desarrollar o articular una teoría social dada con independencia de los valores? La tesis mantiene que la respuesta a la primera cuestión debe ser afirmativa, y negativa para la segunda. De esa forma se puede mostrar que, tras la reconstrucción del itinerario de la investigación para la paz, la confusión entre neutralidad moral y objetividad explica en gran medida la irrelevancia científica de parte de su producción intelectual.La discusión acerca de la objetividad en ambas disciplinas está muy relacionada con sus orígenes e intenciones. Las Relaciones Internacionales han estado, y a veces o en ciertos autores aún lo están, muy vinculadas a la legitimación de la conducta del Estado más allá de sus fronteras: prueba de ello es que puede fecharse su "nacimiento" el 30 de mayo de 1919, cuando las delegaciones estadounidense y británica que se ocupaban de negociar el fin de la I Guerra Mundial convinieron en fundar sendas instituciones científicas para la investigación de las relaciones internacionales, el "Royal Institute of International Affairs" (británico) y el "Council on Foreign Relations" (estadounidense). La investigación para la paz, por su lado, se crea a partir de mediados de los cincuenta, aparentemente corno rechazo a gran parte de las tendencias dominantes en las ciencias sociales, de la mano de la "behavioral revolution" comandada entre otros por Lasswell y Karl Deutsch y bajo el suelo nutricio del protestantismo anglosajón y nórdico. Su pretensión era combinar el ideal de cientificidad de los "behavioristas" con cierto sentido de misión, a la de cuáqueros prestigiosos corno Kenneth Boulding, uno de los pioneros de la disciplina. El objetivo explícito era utilizar los recursos de la investigación científica (natural y social) para comprender e impedir las causas de la dolencia internacional, en particular de las guerras.2. ESTRUCTURA DEL TRABAJOLa tesis persigue pues dos cosas: 1) la reconstrucción in extenso, de la evolución de la investigación para la paz, algo no intentado, hasta donde yo sé, hasta el momento. Para ello se ha manejado la practica totalidad de sus trabajos significativos y se han cribado las principales revistas de la(s) comunidad(es), en particular las que tenían pretensión teórica y normativa; 2) un tratamiento relativamente pormenorizado, específico y crítica de la obra del que se considera su máximo exponente europeo y animador de los debates desde finales de los años sesenta, Johan Galtung.La estructura de la tesis en tres apartados y ocho capítulos se adecua a los dos objetivos que acabo de mencionar.La reconstrucción de la evolución de la investigación para la paz se articula en torno a cuatro ejes:a) el macroanálisis: la exploración de las dificultades para acotar el campo, la singularización de unas características distintivas y la constatación de la crisis que supone la quiebra del ideal reformador inicial y la duda sobre si el empeño debe considerarse ciencia aplicada o simple acumulación de conocimientos (Parte Primera, "Paisaje para la polémica", capítulos 1 y 2, contexto de surgimiento y rasgos distintivos).b) el repaso crítica a las periodizaciones al uso y la elaboración de nuevos criterios merced a la combinación de factores cuantitativos y elementos cualitativos corno las pautas de diseminación, el análisis de la literatura periódica, los debates internos y la propia evolución del sistema internacional. El resultado final es la propuesta y justificación de una periodización alternativa pensada corno elemento ordenador de la evolución de la "disciplina" (Parte Primera, Capítulo III).c) un recorrido histórico, que en realidad constituye una "reconstrucción racional") por mencionar mas que usar -dado que estamos ante una disciplina social- la noción acuñada por Lakatos) de la "peace research" que busca la singularización de sus grandes temas trazar un mapa de su discurrir a menudo errático y evaluar sus realizaciones. A ello se dedica íntegramente la "Parte Segunda" ), los capítulos IV ("Antecedentes y Padres Fundadores"), V ("La lucha por la institucionalización") y VI ("La proliferación vertical").A la hora de abordar la obra de Galtung) se ha optado por un doble procedimiento:a) poner un énfasis especial en sus aportaciones, propuestas, intervenciones. en los capítulos dedicados a la reconstrucción de las fases de la disciplina.b) dedicarle el "Apartado Tercero" (Capítulos VII y VIII), que disecciona los conceptos centrales de su obra a partir de la división en tres etapas intelectuales, respectivamente: la gandhiana, la de inspiración estructural-funcionalista y la expansiva.La tesis se cierra con unas conclusiones, que complementan diversos balances y síntesis parciales relativas a autores y/o aspectos o etapas que cierran varios capítulos o apartados previos. La pluralidad de objetivos) la combinación de macroanálisis con análisis pormenorizado de un autor explican que el apartado de conclusiones finales se dedique -además de una síntesis global- a retornar la afirmación que articula el conjunto del trabajo: la influencia decisiva de la confusión entre objetividad científica y neutralidad moral en la parquedad de resultados de la "peace research" en cuanto a producción de conocimientos.

Abstract Sápmi, located in the North of Fennoscandia, including Finland, Sweden, Norway and parts of Russia, is the home of the majority of the indigenous Sámi people. With a high amount of natural resources in the shape of minerals, forests, and energy extraction, Sápmi is a place of a dispute between different actors such as the Nordic governments, corporations, locals, and Europe’s only indigenous people, the Sámis. On 22 March 2022, the Swedish Government granted a mining license to mobilize an iron ore mine in Gállok, the Swedish side of Sápmi, which has contributed to land-use conflicts and discrimination against the Sámi people. Thus, this issue continues today, making it vital to continue research on the land-use conflict in Sápmi. This qualitative study method uses an abductive approach and case study design. The interview method used is semi-structured interviews with purposive sampling to collect Sámi interviewees. Indigenous methodologies are used to conduct ethical research and apply Johan Galtung's violence triangle as a theory. The study's objective is to understand the land-use conflict in Gállok through the Sámi perspective. The study looks at the methods external actors use to access Gállok and the consequences of a mine in the area. The thesis findings showed that the three violences are visible in the land-use conflict in Gállok. The study presents that the methods used to access Gállok originates from education and media, furthers the laws and regulations by the Swedish authorities and the use of language to promote a green transition and civilization. The consequences found was the negative impact on the Sámi development through their perspective, hindering the chances to continue Sámi livelihood and an effect on Sámi well-being and identity. Additionally, the findings showed that the violences were differently dominating. However, cultural violence has shown to be the core contribution to structural and direct violence. Future research can focus on an intersectional impact on the mining establishment Sámis experience and furthering a decolonizing process.

My study has questioned recognized factors of news valuation in the context of Costa Rican newspapers, with the aim at getting greater understanding in how news are valued in Costa Rican newspapers and what factors contribute to making an event the main article of an issue. My research therefore is a snapshot at how the news valuation process is conducted in Costa Rica at the moment. I furthermore went on to do a quantitative content analysis containing five theories of factors of news valuation, that I have theorised myself as a result of my research containing recognized factors of news valuation.   The data has been selected through a random selection process, and then collected via the national library in San José, Costa Rica. I then went on to carry through a quantitative content analysis, containing 46 variables from recognized factors of news valuation and an additional five variables from my own theories, on the selected samples.   The variables in my analysis to a great extent tried questioning the theories of Judy McGregor, Henk Prakke, Håkan Hvitfelt and Galtung and Ruge.   The results show that some of the theories created by mentioned scholar do apply in the news valuation process in Costa Rican newspapers. It furthermore show that some factors, mentioned by the same scholar, to have great impact in the news valuation process does not at all impact the news value of an event in Costa Rican newspapers. This study shows that there is cultural and geographical differences in how events are valued as newsworthy or not, and that the factors that are acknowledged as determining of news value in one region or country, may in fact not at all apply in another part of the world.   The results of my own theories show that there are differences in what factors that affect the news valuation process. My theories state that there are other factors that affect news values and that there can be opposing factors depending on in what country/region/journalistic area the news are valued.

The aim of this thesis is to contribute to theoretically sound concept of Peace Journalism, which combines theoretical foundations from two spheres: conflict and peace studies and media studies. Influence of journalists as intervening force and explaining factor with regard to (violent) conflict is neglected. However, Peace Journalism is not theoretically strong and builds upon dualistic definition vis-á-vis so-called War Journalism. The concept of Peace Journalism has to overcome this delamination in order to reflect theoretical underpinnings of conflict transformation theory and conflict analysis. Moreover, Peace Journalism has to differentiate media according to an involvement of given societies in a conflict. This offers an opportunity to specifically and accurately analyse news coverage of conflicts. Case studies analysing Czech coverage of Cyprus and Nagorno-Karabakh conflicts illustrates this approach. The coverage is essentially flat, distorts a reality of the conflict, pays attention to visual and physical aspects of the conflict and closes the conflicts in arbitrary time boundaries.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Based on the work of leading theorists within peace and conflict studies, this thesis develops a theoretical framework in order to analyse the seemingly deadlocked ‘peace vs. justice’ debate to explore the possibility of expanding the perspectives in a combined approach. It finds that the debate is based on a narrow perception of both concepts, where they are perceived as negotiations and punishment respectively. Only through applying such a combined approach is it thereby possible to move beyond this current situation. This theoretical framework is then applied on the case of the ongoing conflict in Northern Uganda, where the empirical aspects of this debate have lasted for the longest period of time since the International Criminal Court’s involvement in 2004. With basis in the Juba peace agreement from 2008 that would have balanced retributive and restorative forms of justice, this study finds that the only way to create sustainable peace is by striking a balance between the transitional justice mechanisms of the ICC, conditional amnesties and more traditional forms of justice in the affected communities in Northern Uganda. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Op grond van die werk van voorste teoretici op die gebied van vrede- en konflikstudie, ontwikkel hierdie tesis teoretiese raamwerk vir die ontleding van die oënskynlik vasgevalle debat tussen vrede en geregtigheid, ten einde die moontlike verbreding van perspektiewe met behulp van 'n gekombineerde benadering te ondersoek. Die studie bevind dat die debat tussen vrede en geregtigheid op 'n baie eng opvatting van dié twee konsepte berus, naamlik dié van onderhandeling en straf onderskeidelik. Slegs deur 'n gekombineerde benadering toe te pas, is dit dus moontlik om die huidige toedrag van sake te bowe te kom. Die teoretiese raamwerk van die studie is vervolgens op die voortslepende konflik in Noord-Uganda toegepas, waar die empiriese aspekte van dié debat steeds sedert die betrokkenheid van die Internasionale Strafhof in 2004 voorkom. Met die Juba-vredesooreenkoms van 2008 as uitgangspunt, wat veronderstel was om 'n balans te vind tussen vergeldende en herstellende vorme van geregtigheid, bevind dié studie dat volhoubare vrede slegs bereik kan word deur 'n gebalanseerde kombinasie van die Internasionale Strafhof se oorgangsgeregtigheidsmeganisme, voorwaardelike amnestie, en meer tradisionele vorme van geregtigheid in die geaffekteerde Noord-Ugandese gemeenskappe.

Conflict in recreation is a major problem for recreation managers who are trying to provide satisfying experiences for all recreationists. This thesis is about conflict between mountain-bikers and trampers. Mountain-biking has grown in popularity in New Zealand over the last ten years, and these increasing numbers have threatened the quality of walkers' and runners' recreational experiences, particularly in peri-urban areas. Conflict is a complex social interaction process which occurs around times of change. It involves the interplay of perceptions and attitudes, behaviour, and an incompatible situation. This complexity required the use of a range of methods to successfully understand the conflict between walkers and mountain-bikers. Like many other recreational conflicts, the conflict between bikers and trampers is asymmetrical - walkers dislike meeting bikers much more than bikers dislike meeting walkers. A majority of walker respondents disliked or strongly disliked meeting bikers on walking tracks. Walkers' questionnaire answers indicated that their greatest concerns with mountain-biking are (in order of decreasing importance) track damage and other environmental damage, personal safety, and the feeling that bikes interrupt their peace and quiet. Further exploration during in-depth interviews show that the perception of these problems are closely related to the way different users feel about that places that they use, and the way meetings with other users can be incorporated into the experiences of the recreationist. For walkers, meeting bikers is far more intrusive than vice-versa. Political activity aimed at eliminating bikers from many front country areas means that bikers are now developing a dislike of trampers who they see as intolerant and arrogant. Therefore, behaviour affects the escalation of conflict. In addition, wider social change has had an influence on this conflict. Changing economic wellbeing, less regular work hours, a perceived lack of time and a wider choice of activities have all impacted on recreation patterns in peri-urban areas, and on this conflict situation. In addition, this study has indicated that the concepts of specialisation and substitution may need modification. The use of qualitative methods has highlighted the narrow focus that researchers have used when studying these concepts. Both must be seen more broadly in the context of individuals' changing recreational needs both over the life cycle, and in the face of social change as outlined above.

Skolan befinner sig i en förändringsprocess där lärares auktoritet inte längre är självklar, istället söker lärare efter nya sätt att hålla ordning och skapa arbetsro. Hanteringen av konflikter har visat sig viktig i en tid då konflikter tillåts komma upp för diskussion och upplevs som en allt större del av lärares vardag. Syftet med denna undersökning är att se på hur lärare hanterar konflikter mellan elever på lågstadiet och mellanstadiet. Dessutom är syftet att undersöka vilka faktorer hos lärarna som påverkar hur de hanterar konflikter. Frågeställningen handlar om hur lärare hanterar konflikter och hur de förstår vad som ligger bakom konflikterna. Vidare undersöks ifall djupare förståelse för bakgrunden till konflikterna leder till mer omfattande konflikthantering. Slutligen undersöks andra faktorer som påverkar hur lärarna hanterar konflikter. Metoden utgörs av kvalitativa intervjuer med sju klasslärare på låg- och mellanstadiet. Lärarna uppmanas att berätta om elevkonflikter som upplevts som svåra. Dessutom ställs frågor om det pyskosociala klimatet i lärarens klass, denna information används för att analysera lärares attityder inom olika områden. Analysen, som har både kvalitativa och kvantitativa inslag, ger en översikt som beskriver relationen mellan konflikthanteringen och konflikterna i jämförelse med en idealmodell. Utifrån lärarnas uttalande undersöks lärarnas kunskap och förmågor, vilket därefter jämförs med konflikthanteringen. Resultaten indikerar att flera faktorer gällande lärares kunskap, förmågor och attityder har inverkan på hur de hanterar konflikter.

This study aims at exploring the connections between nonviolence and sustainability in two cases. The relationship between nonviolence and sustainability is identified and discussed in light of the theories on nonviolence of Johan Galtung and theories of the ethical framework of ecocentrism. The theories are positioned in contrast to the two cases Swedish Muslims for Peace and Justice and The Sámi Parliament that are explored with connections to nonviolence and sustainability. The notion of peace and nonviolence and sustainable development is a relatively unexplored territory. So, through the first analysis of the two cases, I found three concepts of knowledge, cooperation and environment that appeared relevant. Therefore, I did my analysis with focus on these three concepts as helpful tools for the analysis and further discussion. These were used throughout the work in the study, in the light of the theories and vice versa, the material was then accessible. Then I could read between the lines and make the connections between nonviolence and sustainability, more explicit. The first conclusion made from this study is that nonviolence and sustainability are two realms that can and should be understood in terms of each other. Nonviolence and sustainability are both highlighted by understanding them in relationship to each other. There is a need to promote long-lasting peace. We also need to consider both people and nature to reduce our environmental footprints. We need to consider needs for all living beings, including nature. The study also concluded with a need for knowledge and cooperation to fight against structural and cultural violence. Furthermore, there is need to consider the earth and people, everything, and everyone in cooperation in the communal struggle´s, with focus on sustainable peace at every level of society.