The causes of violent conflicts in Ethiopia in general, and in Gambella in particular, are complex. Critically examining and explaining the causes entails going beyond labelling them solely in terms of one variable, such as 'ethnic conflict‘. The contestation of the study is that contemporary conflicts in Ethiopia have remained protracted, untransformed and recurring. This is largely because the past processes which gave rise to them were not properly taken into account and not properly comprehended, thereby giving rise to much superficiality in their explanations, inappropriate policies and a failure of efforts at apprehending them. The thesis identifies four major factors and two contrasting narratives which have framed the analysis of conflict complexity in Gambella. Qualitatively designed, the study focuses mainly on the structural causes of violent conflicts since 1991 and how their constituent elements were conceived and explained by different actors. First, asymmetrical centre-periphery relations entrenched in the state building processes of the imperial and military regimes, continued under the present regime rendering Gambella an object of extraction and repression. Consequently, competing claims of ownership of Gambella between the Anywaa and the Nuer ethnic groups evolved entailing shifting allegiances to the central government. Second, ethnic politics of the new social contract ushered in a new thinking of ‗each ethnic group for itself‘; it made ethnic federalism a means of consolidating the regime‘s political philosophy, depriving the local community of a genuine political representation, leading to broader, deeper and more serious violence. Third, land policy of the incumbent favoured its political party affiliates and foreign investors, thus inducing more violence. Finally, external dynamics impacted on internal conflict complexity. The study has argued that single factor approaches are inadequate to explain what has constituted violent conflicts in Gambella since 1991; it has concluded that internal conflicts are complex, and their constituent elements are conceived of, and explained, differently by the local peoples and different levels of government. Nevertheless, given commitment and a political will, the local and national governments, as well as peoples at grassroots level, have the capacity to transform the present, and to prevent future violent conflicts in the region.

The causes of violent conflicts in Ethiopia in general, and in Gambella in particular, are complex. Critically examining and explaining the causes entails going beyond labelling them solely in terms of one variable, such as 'ethnic conflict‘. The contestation of the study is that contemporary conflicts in Ethiopia have remained protracted, untransformed and recurring. This is largely because the past processes which gave rise to them were not properly taken into account and not properly comprehended, thereby giving rise to much superficiality in their explanations, inappropriate policies and a failure of efforts at apprehending them. The thesis identifies four major factors and two contrasting narratives which have framed the analysis of conflict complexity in Gambella. Qualitatively designed, the study focuses mainly on the structural causes of violent conflicts since 1991 and how their constituent elements were conceived and explained by different actors. First, asymmetrical centre-periphery relations entrenched in the state building processes of the imperial and military regimes, continued under the present regime rendering Gambella an object of extraction and repression. Consequently, competing claims of ownership of Gambella between the Anywaa and the Nuer ethnic groups evolved entailing shifting allegiances to the central government. Second, ethnic politics of the new social contract ushered in a new thinking of ‗each ethnic group for itself‘; it made ethnic federalism a means of consolidating the regime‘s political philosophy, depriving the local community of a genuine political representation, leading to broader, deeper and more serious violence. Third, land policy of the incumbent favoured its political party affiliates and foreign investors, thus inducing more violence. Finally, external dynamics impacted on internal conflict complexity. The study has argued that single factor approaches are inadequate to explain what has constituted violent conflicts in Gambella since 1991; it has concluded that internal conflicts are complex, and their constituent elements are conceived of, and explained, differently by the local peoples and different levels of government. Nevertheless, given commitment and a political will, the local and national governments, as well as peoples at grassroots level, have the capacity to transform the present, and to prevent future violent conflicts in the region.

The essay uses secondary research, and comparative methodology. The aim of the essay is to establish if natural resources plays any role in the conflicts experienced by regions which have continuously seen civil wars, and if so, to what degree. The two cases examined in this thesis are of South Sudan and Gambella in Ethiopia. A comparative analysis is used due to the approaches in political science studies, especially for cases that show huge differences or huge similarities as well as data sources in use of literature reviews. The results show a trivial effect of expertise as what previous scholars established had been confirmed. Furthermore, it proves that equal sharing and usage of natural resources is crucial for preventing conflicts. This study emphasizes the need to understand the relationship between natural resources and the risk for civil conflict, along with the scholars previous findings.

Introduction: Guinea worm disease (GWD) is a painful, disabling disease caused by the parasite dracunculus medinensis. The implementation of the global GWD eradication campaign resulted in a decrease of global burden of disease and several countries have been proclaimed free of the disease. Though, Ethiopia has implemented the GWD eradication programme since 1992 the disease remains endemic in the Gambella region. Purpose of the study: The purpose of this study was to explore the perceptions and experiences of the community of Gambella region on Guinea worm disease (GWD) eradication interventions. Methodology: A qualitative study paradigm with a phenomenological research design was employed to collect data using focus group discussions, in-depth individual interviews, document reviews, and observations. The study participants were determined by purposive sampling. Qualitative data analysis involved transcription, data entry, and management of verbal information followed by coding, categorizing into themes. Interpretation of the data was done using triangulation methodology with appropriate mechanisms for validity and trustworthiness. Result: The study found that there are gaps in the perceptions and understanding of the community and programme implementers about the achievement and application of the various interventions on the eradication of Guinea worm disease. Health education programme was not fine-tuned to the eradication of GWD by community participation. Community perception was not at the required level for the eradication of GWD due to the low success of the educational intervention. Conclusion: continuous health education targeting the community with clear objectives of helping to eradicate GWD was found to be limited in its coverage. In addition, provision of water filters necessary for GWD eradication was inadequate. Moreover, the community did not have clear understanding of the causes of GWD and its eradication strategy. It is hoped that the findings of this study would contribute significantly to the GWEP in Gambella region, as well as elsewhere where GWD may be endemic / Health Studies / M.A. (Public Health)

Introduction: Guinea worm disease (GWD) is a painful, disabling disease caused by the parasite dracunculus medinensis. The implementation of the global GWD eradication campaign resulted in a decrease of global burden of disease and several countries have been proclaimed free of the disease. Though, Ethiopia has implemented the GWD eradication programme since 1992 the disease remains endemic in the Gambella region. Purpose of the study: The purpose of this study was to explore the perceptions and experiences of the community of Gambella region on Guinea worm disease (GWD) eradication interventions. Methodology: A qualitative study paradigm with a phenomenological research design was employed to collect data using focus group discussions, in-depth individual interviews, document reviews, and observations. The study participants were determined by purposive sampling. Qualitative data analysis involved transcription, data entry, and management of verbal information followed by coding, categorizing into themes. Interpretation of the data was done using triangulation methodology with appropriate mechanisms for validity and trustworthiness. Result: The study found that there are gaps in the perceptions and understanding of the community and programme implementers about the achievement and application of the various interventions on the eradication of Guinea worm disease. Health education programme was not fine-tuned to the eradication of GWD by community participation. Community perception was not at the required level for the eradication of GWD due to the low success of the educational intervention. Conclusion: continuous health education targeting the community with clear objectives of helping to eradicate GWD was found to be limited in its coverage. In addition, provision of water filters necessary for GWD eradication was inadequate. Moreover, the community did not have clear understanding of the causes of GWD and its eradication strategy. It is hoped that the findings of this study would contribute significantly to the GWEP in Gambella region, as well as elsewhere where GWD may be endemic / Health Studies / M.A. (Public Health)

The contemporary phenomenon of the global rush for farmland has generated intense debate from different actors. While the proponents embrace it as a "development opportunity", the critics dub it "land grabbing". Others use a neutral term: "arge-scale land acquisitions". Whatever terminology is used, one fact remains indisputable - since 2007 vast swathes of farmlands in developing countries have been sold or leased out to large-scale commercial farmers. Ethiopia is one of the leading countries in Africa in this regard and, as a matter of state policy, it promotes these investments in peripheral regions that are predominantly inhabited by pastoralists and other indigenous communities. So far, the focus of most of the studies on this phenomenon has been on its economic, food security and environmental aspects. The questions of land rights and political implications have been to a great extent overlooked. The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to this knowledge gap by drawing upon the experience of the Gambella regional state - the epicentre of large-scale land acquisition in Ethiopia. To this end, this thesis argues that large-scale land acquisitions in Ethiopia is indeed redefining indigenous communities' right to land, territories and natural resources in fundamental ways. By doing so, it also threatens the post-1991 social contract - i.e. ethnic federalism - between the envisaged new Ethiopian state and its diverse communities, particularly the peripheral minorities and indigenous ethnic groups. / Church Development Service (EED) now ¿Brot für Die Welt¿

Cette thèse revient sur les caractéristiques des conflits armés éthiopiens contemporains(nature et manifestations) à partir d'une réflexion sur la trajectoire historique de l'État,héritier de l'empire construit par Ménélik II à la fin du XIXe siècle et dont les frontièresn'ont que peu varié depuis (hormis l'indépendance de l'Érythrée en 1993). L'expérienceimpériale est également à l'origine d'une perception de l'espace politique éthiopien entermes de " centre " et de " périphérie ". Perception qui demeure dominante au sein desétudes éthiopiennes, notamment dans l'étude de conflits perçus comme opposant le" centre " (assimilé à l'" État moderne ") à ses " périphéries " conquises durant la périodeimpériale (assimilées aux " sociétés traditionnelles "). La réflexion est donc construite àpartir de l'articulation des trois grands thèmes suivants : la formation de l'empire et del'État éthiopien, les conflits armés, et le thème centre-périphérie. Le thème centrepériphériese situe en effet au coeur des interprétations de la formation des empires etdes États. Le rapport entre ce deux thèmes (formation de l'État et thème " centrepériphérie") est ici reformulé à partir des notions de " secteur politique central " et de" secteur politique périphérique " (Coulon 1972). L'État est alors défini comme unprocessus historique produit par la formation (formelle, symbolique et cognitive) de cesdeux secteurs politiques central et périphérique. Ces deux secteurs interdépendants, dontles caractéristiques évoluent en fonction des reconfigurations économiques, sociales etpolitiques, sont à comprendre au sein d'un même ensemble produisant l'État éthiopien etson identité, sa nation.Cette thèse analyse donc le rapport entre la formation de ces deux secteurs politiques etles conflits armés en vue d'en offrir une grille de lecture renouvelée et dépassant lalecture dominante opposant le " centre " à ses " périphéries ". L'étude de trois régionsconflictuelles (Érythrée, Gambella, Afar) et de leur rapport à l'État éthiopien font alorsapparaître non plus une, mais trois grandes tendances de conflit (toujoursinterdépendantes et parfois cumulatives), à savoir : le conflit entre les deux secteurspolitiques, le conflit à l'intérieur du secteur politique central, et le conflit à l'intérieur dusecteur politique périphérique. Enfin, ce travail défend l'idée selon laquelle ces conflitsémanent d'une double crise de l'État éthiopien : une crise " de " l'État (remise en cause del'État éthiopien lui-même), et une crise " dans " l'État (remise en cause du régime et dugouvernement éthiopien, mais pas de l'État en lui-même). De cette double crise, héritéede la période impériale et qui éclot lors du Second règne d'Hailé Sélassié (1941-1974),dérivent les conflits éthiopiens contemporains.

The contemporary phenomenon of the global rush for farmland has generated intense debate from different actors. While the proponents embrace it as a 'development opportunity', the critics dub it 'land grabbing'. Others use a neutral term: 'large-scale land acquisitions'. Whatever terminology is used, one fact remains indisputable - since 2007 vast swathes of farmlands in developing countries have been sold or leased out to large-scale commercial farmers. Ethiopia is one of the leading countries in Africa in this regard and, as a matter of state policy, it promotes these investments in peripheral regions that are predominantly inhabited by pastoralists and other indigenous communities. So far, the focus of most of the studies on this phenomenon has been on its economic, food security and environmental aspects. The questions of land rights and political implications have been to a great extent overlooked. The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to this knowledge gap by drawing upon the experience of the Gambella regional state - the epicentre of large-scale land acquisition in Ethiopia. To this end, this thesis argues that large-scale land acquisitions in Ethiopia is indeed redefining indigenous communities' right to land, territories and natural resources in fundamental ways. By doing so, it also threatens the post-1991 social contract - i.e. ethnic federalism - between the envisaged new Ethiopian state and its diverse communities, particularly the peripheral minorities and indigenous ethnic groups.

Cette thèse revient sur les caractéristiques des conflits armés éthiopiens contemporains(nature et manifestations) à partir d’une réflexion sur la trajectoire historique de l’État,héritier de l’empire construit par Ménélik II à la fin du XIXe siècle et dont les frontièresn’ont que peu varié depuis (hormis l’indépendance de l’Érythrée en 1993). L’expérienceimpériale est également à l’origine d’une perception de l’espace politique éthiopien entermes de « centre » et de « périphérie ». Perception qui demeure dominante au sein desétudes éthiopiennes, notamment dans l’étude de conflits perçus comme opposant le« centre » (assimilé à l’« État moderne ») à ses « périphéries » conquises durant la périodeimpériale (assimilées aux « sociétés traditionnelles »). La réflexion est donc construite àpartir de l’articulation des trois grands thèmes suivants : la formation de l’empire et del’État éthiopien, les conflits armés, et le thème centre-périphérie. Le thème centrepériphériese situe en effet au coeur des interprétations de la formation des empires etdes États. Le rapport entre ce deux thèmes (formation de l’État et thème « centrepériphérie») est ici reformulé à partir des notions de « secteur politique central » et de« secteur politique périphérique » (Coulon 1972). L’État est alors défini comme unprocessus historique produit par la formation (formelle, symbolique et cognitive) de cesdeux secteurs politiques central et périphérique. Ces deux secteurs interdépendants, dontles caractéristiques évoluent en fonction des reconfigurations économiques, sociales etpolitiques, sont à comprendre au sein d’un même ensemble produisant l’État éthiopien etson identité, sa nation.Cette thèse analyse donc le rapport entre la formation de ces deux secteurs politiques etles conflits armés en vue d’en offrir une grille de lecture renouvelée et dépassant lalecture dominante opposant le « centre » à ses « périphéries ». L’étude de trois régionsconflictuelles (Érythrée, Gambella, Afar) et de leur rapport à l’État éthiopien font alorsapparaître non plus une, mais trois grandes tendances de conflit (toujoursinterdépendantes et parfois cumulatives), à savoir : le conflit entre les deux secteurspolitiques, le conflit à l’intérieur du secteur politique central, et le conflit à l’intérieur dusecteur politique périphérique. Enfin, ce travail défend l’idée selon laquelle ces conflitsémanent d’une double crise de l’État éthiopien : une crise « de » l’État (remise en cause del’État éthiopien lui-même), et une crise « dans » l’État (remise en cause du régime et dugouvernement éthiopien, mais pas de l’État en lui-même). De cette double crise, héritéede la période impériale et qui éclot lors du Second règne d’Hailé Sélassié (1941-1974),dérivent les conflits éthiopiens contemporains. / This work deals with contemporary Ethiopian armed conflicts (nature and forms) out of areflexion on the state trajectory. The Ethiopian state is to be studied in the continuity ofthe empire built by Menelik II at the end of the XIXth century, whose borders haveremained almost unchanged since then (except the Eritrean independence in 1993). Theparticular perception of the Ethiopian political space studied in terms of “centre” and“periphery” is also embedded in this imperial period. A perception which remainscharacteristic of Ethiopian studies, considering the Ethiopian armed conflicts as opposinga “centre” (considered synonymous with “modern state”) to its “peripheries” inheritedfrom the imperial conquests (seen as “traditional societies”). The thesis is thus built outof these three following themes which represent the core of the reflexion: the Ethiopianempire- and state formation, armed conflicts, and the centre-periphery relation. In fact,the centre-periphery relation has been determinant in the theories dealing with empiresandstate-formation. Here, I aim at redefining the relationship between state-formationand the centre-periphery theories by using the notions of “central political sector” and“peripheral political sector” (Coulon 1972). The State shall then be considered as ahistorical process produced by the formation (formal, symbolical, and cognitive) of thesesectors. The sectors are dependent of each other and their characteristics derive fromconstant economic, social and political reconfigurations. They shall be considered in asame whole which produces the Ethiopian state and its identity, its nation.The thesis analyses the relationship between the formation of these two political sectorsand armed conflicts in order to rethink the dominant view considering conflicts as acentre conflicting against its peripheries. Illustrated by the study of three regions (whichhave been experiencing armed conflicts since the imperial period, i.e. Eritrea, Gambellaand Afar), and focusing on their constant and changing relations (formal or perceived)with the Ethiopian state, this work confirms the existence of three main conflict trends(interdependent and sometimes cumulative): the conflict between the two sectors, theconflict within the central sector, and the conflict within the peripheral sector. Finally, Iargue that the current Ethiopian conflicts derive from a dual state crisis: a crisis “of” theEthiopian state (the radical refusal of the state), and a crisis “within” the Ethiopian state(refusal of the regime or the government, but not the State itself). This dual crisisinherited from the imperial period took form during the second reign of Haile Selassie(1941-1974). The roots of contemporary armed conflicts in Ethiopia have to be situated insuch a crisis, and their continuation in its resilience.

The purpose of the research was to assess the availability of public health services in response to humanitarian crises in Gambella, Ethiopia. This informed the development of a public health service protocol for humanitarian emergency responses in Ethiopia. The objectives of the study were explored and identify current humanitarian health emergency needs and responses, describe the availability of public health services required for humanitarian emergency responses, study and critically analyse different humanitarian responses in respect of health care services and related protocols in other countries, develop a context-specific and needs-based protocol for humanitarian emergency responses in Gambella, Ethiopia, clarify the policy and programme implications of such a protocol. A mixed-method research design was used to conduct the study. Data were collected from 32 health facilities to assess the availability of required resources and public health services. A checklist and in-depth interview guide were used to collect the data. The quantitative data were analysed using simple descriptive statistics using frequency distribution tables and graphs. Thematic analysis was employed to analyse the qualitative data. The study revealed a lack of resources which threatened the availability of public health services in humanitarian emergencies. The ever-increasing number of refugees overstretched the limited resources, leading to stockouts of medicines, other health commodities and equipment. The absence of emergency preparedness, poor coordination of services, coupled with a lack of integration of services exacerbated public health service delivery. The study findings informed the development of a public health service protocol for humanitarian responses in Ethiopia. The study further recommended further research on other factors that might affect humanitarian responses and coordination. / Health Studies / Ph. D. (Public Health)