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1	The rituals of labour migration among the Gcaleka McAllister, Patrick Alister January 1979 (has links) The Xhosa people of the south-eastern part of South Africa have been involved in migratory labour for three generations and more. This study is concerned with the experience of migrant labour among the Gcaleka, who form part of the Xhosa cluster, and who reside in the Willowvale district of the Transkei. It is primarily an attempt to examine and understand the ways in which conservative ("red") Gcaleka society has adapted to the institution of large scale, oscillating labour migration, by looking at the "meaning" of migrant labour to the people involved, and in terms of the relationship between rural social structure and going out to work in town or mine. Much of this meaning and of the relationship between structure and migration is evident in certain ritual and symbolic actions which are associated with a labour migrant's departure from and return to the community. The bulk of the study, therefore, is taken up with a description and analysis of these "rituals of labour migration". An attempt has been made also to relate the rituals of labour migration to the structural principles of society and to underlying moral and religious beliefs and values, and also to the wider Southern African socio-political framework of which the Gcaleka are part. During fieldwork constant reference was made by informants to (ukwakh' umzi) the importance of "building the homestead" and the role of migrant labour in this. The procedure followed here, therefore, after having dealt with basic "background" material and having given an indication of the economic dependence of Gcaleka on migrant labour, is to take the individual homestead as a central reference point. Certain important aspects of social and religious life (kinship, ward section organization, economic relationships and the ancestor cult) are discussed from the point of view of the homestead and the relationships between homesteads in order to outline basic social organizational principles and to identify the socio-economic importance and cultural meaning of migratory labour to conservative Gcaleka. This leads into a discussion of Gcaleka morality in an attempt to demonstrate that the two basic organizational pr inc iples, patrilineali ty and neighbourhood, and their interrelationship, have a counterpart in moral thought. This discussion involves also some tentative ideas regarding the nature of the relationship between morality and religion in this society. All this, it is hoped, provides a basis for the description and analysis of the rituals of labour migration, which follow and which express, inter alia, the importance of the homestead, the organizational importance of kinship and neighbourhood, and certain basic moral precepts. Particular attention is paid to the most elaborate and spectacular of these rituals, the umsindleko beer drink. A separate section is devoted to an attempted analysis of the rituals in terms of Van Gennep's well known schema of rites de passage. Here the absent migrant is viewed as being one who has been separated from society and who has entered a liminal state, to be incorporated back into society once he returns from work. The extent to which liminality is accompanied by the experience of what Victor Turner calls "communitas" is also considered. The general conclusion is that the rituals of labour migration serve as a cultural device to rigidly separate the world of work from the morally superior home reality, to reinforce acceptance of the culturally determined role of migratory labour and migrant labourers and to relate the migratory experience to rural social structure in such a way that the threat of migrant labour is overcome and the rural structure strengthened. To answer the question of why this standpoint towards labour migration has been adopted, it is necessary to outline the position of the Gcaleka within the political economy of Southern Africa, and it is argued that the maintenance of conservatism and the interpretation of migrant labour in terms of the rural structure is largely a response to this position Gcaleka (African people) -- Employment
2	Land expropriation and labour extraction under Cape colonial rule : the war of 1835 and the "emancipation" of the Fingo Webster, Alan Charles January 1991 (has links) The interpretations of the war of 1835 and the identity of the Fingo that were presented by the English settlers, have remained the mainstays of all subsequent histories. They asserted that the war of 1835 was the fault purely of 'Kaffir' aggression, that it was controlled by Hintza, the paramount chief, and that the ensuing hostilities were justifiable colonial defence and punishment of the Africans. The arrival of the Fingo in the Colony, it was claimed, was unconnected with the war. It was alleged that the seventeen thousand Fingo brought into the Colony in May 1835 were all Natal refugees who had fled south from the devastations of Shaka and the 'mfecane', and who had then become oppressed by their Gca1eka hosts. Both of these 'histories' need to be inverted. The 'irruption' of December 1834 was not unprovoked Rharhabe aggression, but the final response to years of the advance of the Cape Colony. Large areas of Rharhabe land had been expropriated, and their cattle regularly raided. Their women and children had been seized and taken into the Colony as labourers. The attacks were carried out by only a section of the Rharhabe on specific areas in Albany. The damage caused, and stock taken, was vastly exaggerated by the colonists. The Cape Governor, D'Urban, and British troop reinforcements arrived in Albany in January, and the Rharhabe were invaded two months later. D'Urban later invaded the innocent Gcaleka, took cattle, wreaked havoc and killed Hintza after he refused to ally with the Colony. The Fingo made their appearance at this moment. They were not a homogenous group. There were four categories within the term: mission and refugee collaborators (who were given land at Peddie and had chiefs appointed), military auxiliaries, labourers, and later, destitute Rharhabe seeking employment in the Colony. Only a small minority of the total Fingo were from Natal. The majority of the Fingo appear to have been Rharhabe and Gcaleka women and children, captured by the troops during the war and distributed on farms in the eastern districts to ameliorate the chronic labour shortage. Thus, instead of the year 1835 being one of great loss for the eastern Cape, as claimed by the settler apologists, it was a catalyst to the economic development of the area. All Rharhabe land was seized, to be granted as settler farms. Well over sixty thousand Rharhabe and Gcaleka cattle were captured and distributed amongst the colonists. The security threat of the adjacent Rharhabe and the independent Gcaleka was removed. And a large colonial labour supply was ensured. Ayliff, John, 1797-1862 Fingo (African people) -- History Frontier War, 1834-1835 Xhosa (African people) -- History Gcaleka (African people) -- History Bantu-speaking peoples -- Migrations Rharhabe (African people) -- History Historiography -- South Africa D'Urban, Benjamin, Sir, 1777-1849
3	Aspects of moral education in Bhaca mamtiseni and nkciyo initiation rituals / Makaula P.N Makaula, Phiwe Ndonana January 2010 (has links) The main objective of this mini–dissertation is to investigate the basic form and content of moral education as it manifests itself in the mamtiseni and nkciyo female initiation rituals of the Mount Frere region of the Eastern Cape Province of the Republic of South Africa. The main theoretical position taken is the reemergent African Renaissance coupled with African indigenous knowledge systems, first revived by (former) President Thabo Mbeki. Accordingly the main purpose of this study is to address the transmission of moral aspects of female Bhaca initiation inherent in behavioural/cultural educational enculturation. The main findings of the mini–dissertation constitute the following: 1. Mamtiseni and nkciyo rituals play a major role in the enculturation of young Bhaca girls. 2. The song texts carry strong messages of how to go about achieving a healthy and surviving society. There are further opportunities for research in the following aspects: 1. Nkciyo initiation schools are very exclusive, involving many secret codes. The fact that I am a male put me at a disadvantage. 2. There are many more points of difference between the two rituals than meets the eye. / Thesis (M.Mus.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011. Adam Kok Abstinance African Tradition African renaissance AIDS Attire Bhaca Communal Colonialism Culture Dance Dingane Disobedience Eatern Cape Province Education Elugangeni Enculturation Ethnomusicology Gcaleka HIV Identity Indigenous Knowledge Systems Immoral Initiation School Initiation ritual Intangible cultural heritage Intombi KwaZulu Natal Literate Madzikane Mamtiseni Mandlwane Mas'khozi Mariage Missionary Moshoeshoe Moral education Morality Moral regeneration Mount Frere Mthatha Nkciyo Obedience Politics Qaba Respect Sex Sexualy transmitted diseases Shaka Singing Song text Teenage pregnancy Thembu Ubuntu Uhlolo lwamantombazana UNESCO Virginity testing Village Xhosa Zulu
4	Aspects of moral education in Bhaca mamtiseni and nkciyo initiation rituals / Makaula P.N Makaula, Phiwe Ndonana January 2010 (has links) The main objective of this mini–dissertation is to investigate the basic form and content of moral education as it manifests itself in the mamtiseni and nkciyo female initiation rituals of the Mount Frere region of the Eastern Cape Province of the Republic of South Africa. The main theoretical position taken is the reemergent African Renaissance coupled with African indigenous knowledge systems, first revived by (former) President Thabo Mbeki. Accordingly the main purpose of this study is to address the transmission of moral aspects of female Bhaca initiation inherent in behavioural/cultural educational enculturation. The main findings of the mini–dissertation constitute the following: 1. Mamtiseni and nkciyo rituals play a major role in the enculturation of young Bhaca girls. 2. The song texts carry strong messages of how to go about achieving a healthy and surviving society. There are further opportunities for research in the following aspects: 1. Nkciyo initiation schools are very exclusive, involving many secret codes. The fact that I am a male put me at a disadvantage. 2. There are many more points of difference between the two rituals than meets the eye. / Thesis (M.Mus.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011. Adam Kok Abstinance African Tradition African renaissance AIDS Attire Bhaca Communal Colonialism Culture Dance Dingane Disobedience Eatern Cape Province Education Elugangeni Enculturation Ethnomusicology Gcaleka HIV Identity Indigenous Knowledge Systems Immoral Initiation School Initiation ritual Intangible cultural heritage Intombi KwaZulu Natal Literate Madzikane Mamtiseni Mandlwane Mas'khozi Mariage Missionary Moshoeshoe Moral education Morality Moral regeneration Mount Frere Mthatha Nkciyo Obedience Politics Qaba Respect Sex Sexualy transmitted diseases Shaka Singing Song text Teenage pregnancy Thembu Ubuntu Uhlolo lwamantombazana UNESCO Virginity testing Village Xhosa Zulu

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