This is an ethnographic case study, based in participant observation, which investigates and analyzes how the everyday relationships between Europeans, South Americans expatriates & Angolan nationals, are structured in a common transnational labor community in Angola, named Cambambe. This study investigates if there are any features of post-colonial power relations that affect and shape the interactions between those three communities. Thus, if the contemporary forms of relationship, as expressed by this community, can still be compared to that old hard power stereotype namely labor relations from the colonial past, or if those have changed with modernity. In doing so, this study equally analyzes not only how the interactions between the three communities is expressed in terms of identity, culture and ethnic belonging, but also how such expressions bring about tangible consequences for the groups relating to their social and institutional positions inside the working community. Furthermore, this study examines if the three group populations are able to go beyond their ethnic and cultural boundaries in order to create common zones of togetherness and empowerment, and if so, how these zones are shaped. To do so, the analysis observes how the intergroup perceives power into their relational context, focusing in four dimensions, namely; rationality, perceived justice, material resources and identity. Moreover, this is a multidisciplinary analysis which makes use of the theoretical lenses provided by the post-colonial theory, psychology of intergroup relations and power theories in international relations, to shed light into the understanding of contemporary labor communities and in the position of the post-colonial subjects in society in a North to South perspective.

Under lång tid har det funnits ett förhärskande sätt att förstå rasismen i Sverige som orsakad avvissa avvikande individer och grupper i en annars ”postrasistisk” nation. Tidigare forskningframhåller att denna uppfattning är starkt kopplad till den rådande nationella självbilden avSverige som en särskilt progressiv och modern nation. På senare år har det vuxit fram enkonkurrerande uppfattning om rasismen som en strukturell maktordning som genomsyrar detsvenska samhället. I syfte att bidra till en fördjupad förståelse för vilka faktorer som gör att deallmänna uppfattningarna om rasismen i Sverige består eller skiftar över tid undersöker dennauppsats det konkurrerande, strukturella synsättet. En diskursteoretisk ansats tillämpas för attklarlägga dess centrala idéer och översiktligt spåra dem över tid i den offentliga debatten medfokus på idéernas ursprung, utveckling samt inflytande på debattagendan. Resultaten indikeraratt den konkurrerande uppfattningen började manifesteras i den svenska samhällsdebattenomkring år 1990 men förblev marginell fram till cirka år 2010–2012 och framåt då dessförekomst i debatten tycks ha ökat explosionsartat. Flera indikationer tyder också på att denkonkurrerande uppfattningens inflytande på debatten har ökat, trots att den har mötts av starktmotstånd. Därtill påbörjas en kort analys av hur människors identiteter, känslor och fantasierkan bidra till förändringar av rådande uppfattningar om rasismen i Sverige.

A close study of neorealist theory, indicates that revolutionary movements can produce some effects, that can have severe power political repercussions. Yet there is very little written in the neorealist corpus, about revolutions and revolutionary movements. The aim of this research was to investigate if these effects could contribute to our explanation, of the power political strategies employed by revolutionary movements. In order to fulfill the aim, a theory consuming case study was conducted. The method employed was a qualitative textual analysis, of a strategic text from Al-Qaeda. The result of the study showed that anticipated power political effects of a social revolution, were discounted for in the strategy. And the expected effects of a conflict between a revolutionary movement and a stable State, did appear in strategy. However the strategists calculations about revolutionary contagnation and the vulnerabilities of fragile States, did not match the theoretical expectations. Perceived foreign domination and perceived fragile State structures, effected the calculations in an unexpected way. Thus the results indicate that the employed analytic framework need further refinement.

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The shift to a human security perspective has put food security on the agenda in development cooperation. In this world private actors are increasing their presence and a larger amount of aid is channeled through these organizations. However, there are little studies made on private actors in development cooperation, especially NGOs. The purpose of this study is therefore to deal with the theoretical uncertainty of NGO assistance and develop existing theory in order to confirm or dismiss previous assumptions. Previous research stress that NGO-projects are adaptable i.e. ability to change and adjust to manage sudden challenges, such as conflict. To what extent are NGO-projects to be classified as having adaptable project structures, and how is that manifested in aid within the area of food security? An ideal type was set up to measure adaptability involving three indicators: flexible, responsive, and inclusive. The empirical material was collected through interviews with project staff and project reports. The projects showed higher levels of adaptability than expected, also when controlling for two other cases. An adaptable project is recognized by its decentralized decision-structure, flexible budget, quick response, and access to remote areas.

The purpose of this thesis is to gain a better understanding of the non-binding political instrument, the so-called “tillkännagivandeinstitutet”, within the framework of opposition in the Swedish Parliamentary system. The study springs from the following research questions: what characterises a “tillkännagivande”, how has the use of this instrument changed during the past five electoral periods and to what extent could this instrument be seen as an expression for opposition? A number of 150 units of analysis, from five electoral periods, have been examined. I have systematically examined the political instrument by developing an instrument for analysis where the presence of criticism, the precision of the request, the strength of the request and the relation to the government proposal have been measured. The results show that the instrument has become more precise, stronger and direct over time. Apart from that, the instrument has been used in a more dynamic way then before and as a more proactive approach. The instrument can be used to scrutinize the government or to provide political alternatives, which suggest that it can be seen as an expression for opposition. The results show a pattern that indicates a strengthening in partisan conflict between the parties in the Swedish Parliament. I therefore conclude that the instrument has become a more popular instrument of the opposition than before. To be able to draw any conclusions on why this change has occurred, more research in the area is needed. However, this study point in a direction where the instrument has become a popular instrument to, in different ways, put pressure on the government.

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Some retail companies have been facing boycotts and negative criticism due to their association with sweatshop practices and human rights scandals. In order to deal with such criticism, it has become common for these garment sector businesses to implement corporate responsibility projects in countries in which their independent suppliers are located. These projects fall within the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) framework, more specifically on how the private sector can contribute to the achievement of the 8th goal, which is related to decent work and economic growth. In this sense, this work analyzes how the understanding of problems related to work processes influence the design and outcome of an initiative partially implemented by the private sector. A project implemented in Cambodia by H&M, the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) was used as case study.

Politiken bakom FRA-lagen - Analys ur ett rationellt perspektiv