Diss. - Zürich. / Curriculum vitae. "Literaturverzeichnis": p. [xiii]-xvi.

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Freedom of the press in Thailand fluctuates greatly, depending upon the government in each period. Newspapers have been suppressed since the monarchy political system was changed to democracy in 1932. Several kinds of suppression were imposed in each period which showed that the country, in reality, was under a military dictatorship. This study is a summary of the government control of the press since 1932. The study was divided into five chapters, including the introduction, background of the press and politics in Thailand, style and characteristics of Thai newspapers, government control from 1932 to 1963, and the conclusions and recommendations for further study.

This study explores the potential application of George Orwell's novel 1984 in ESL instruction and its influence on promoting discussion among students on divisive political issues. The objective is to examine how the novel's underlying concepts of oppression, dictatorship, and propaganda could encourage critical thinking and social interaction among ESL students. The study considers cultural sensitivity, language skill levels, and the growth of intercultural competency as it examines the difficulties and advantages of adding 1984 into the ESL curriculum. This study sheds light on Orwell's portrayal of political dystopia and its consequences for deliberative democracy, offering valuable suggestions for using literature to foster critical participation in ESL classes. Moreover, the study examines the literary elements, ideas, and applicability of George Orwell's novel "1984" in contemporary culture. With an emphasis on the experiences of the main character Winston under a totalitarian government, the study analyses the utilisation of third-person perspective and language to portray a dystopian society. The effects of governmental control, alienation, and media manipulation are investigated to draw attention to the reflection of totalitarianism and its influence on personal freedom. The study accentuates the importance of studying 1984 from an educational standpoint and suggests utilising agony to encourage critical thinking and consideration of power, control, and personal freedom in the classroom.  Ultimately, the study examines the usefulness of George Orwell's novel 1984 for discussing contemporary political issues in ESL classes. Understanding the digital world is made more accessible by the analysis, which highlights the significance of politics, surveillance, and authoritarianism in contemporary society. Students can better analyse complex subjects and cultural influences by knowing the effects of tyranny, surveillance, and propaganda. Students should read and analyse such important works of literature to assess 1984's applicability and elicit moral and political debates. Future studies need to embrace the pedagogy of discomfort and consider other consequences. Ultimately, lesson objectives and timetables must be created to ensure that students effectively engage with the subject matter.

As media and entertainment products flood across porous national borders around Southeast Asia, wary local elites have been able to sustain their legitimacy, despite rumblings to the contrary. Global industry trends like conglomeration, commodification and celebrification, mean few real challenges to the existing political and economic status quo. Whilst modernization theory assumes that the globalizing communication media would spread liberal, open societies, as this thesis will show, this is not the case in Southeast Asia. Despite the fact that the Asian Financial Crisis undermined the developmental state championed by many of the Region’s illiberal governments, it did not give rise to a liberal alternative, but to something more hybrid and complex which this thesis will reveal. The development of the communication media has had important implications for the nature of politics and political process in the region. However, rather than inspiring democratic ideals in an informed and educated public, it is commercial concerns which have come to dominate its agenda since the Asian Financial Crisis. This results in a churn of generic, even pasteurized media offerings, as media owners seek to woo concerned governments, and further their own business interests. The local media is not immune to these general trends, and tends to be locked in its own battle of competing interests, only very occasionally reflecting the political aspirations of its audience and their somewhat muted call for political change, rarely laying the seed. As a result, although there are interesting local responses to the growth of the media and entertainment industry and the changes being wrought by the Internet and other new technologies, the mass media has developed an ambiguous relationship with the political process. More significantly, local elites have proved resilient in the face of the challenge of the globalized media and, acting against the background of the “war on terror”, have been able to accelerate illiberal media options, maintaining their control strategies albeit, at times, around newly formed coalitions of support. In fact, this thesis demonstrates that the traditional elites have regrouped since the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997, and are restoring their control over the media, where possible by ownership or legal means or, alternatively, where that has proved difficult, they have increasingly taken the sophisticated approach of using the techniques espoused by the perception industries and by public relations consultants to ensure they communicate effectively in an increasingly complex media environment.

After the end of the Second World War, three major economic powers emerged. Japan in Asia, Germany in Europe, and the United States in North America, quickly became the economic engines of their respective regions. Japan, with its "catch-up" and producer centered economy, grew so fast and so large, that there were worries in America that the Japanese would end up winning the economic war. West Germany, supported by the capitalist world, became a miracle economy, and the economic power of the European Union. In the past fifteen years however, these two economies have faltered and stagnated. In Japan, the nineteen nineties are referred to as the "lost decade". In Germany, unemployment continued to grow throughout the decade, and in the former East Germany remained at near catastrophic levels. Much has been written about the reasons for this, referring to the quick and somewhat chaotic reunification of Germany, and the focus of the Japanese on "catching up" to the West. Yet these are not adequate explanations. The problems lie deep in the systemic level of both economies, particularly in the area of labor policies, both in formal written laws and policies prevalent in Germany, and the informal cultural guarantees that are seen in the Japanese systems. The area of the non-liberal capitalist model, particularly the banks and capital investment also contributes to the continued economic stagnation of these two states. Comparing these to the liberal economic policies in the United States, this thesis will show that greater flexibility in both the capitalist and labor models allow [sic] for greater success in the globalized economy.

Thesis (MPAM.) -- University of Limpopo, 2020 / The study explored the challenges faced by the law enforcement agencies on illicit tobacco smuggling across South Africa and Zimbabwe at the Beitbridge port of entry. Literature states that globally law enforcement agencies are faced with a huge challenge at the borders in controlling the trade of tobacco product: South Africa has no exemption on this matter. This mini-dissertation analyses the effectiveness and efficiency of law enforcement and the control of illicit trade of tobacco product at Beitbridge port of entry. The lack of operation coordination strategies and workload within law enforcement agencies were fully examined with a view to come up with appropriate measures to improve control at research area. The South African Government tobacco control policy has been in place since the early 1990’s with legislative instruments requiring mandatory health warning labels on tobacco products, banning public and underage smoking. Porous borders and corruption of officials working at the boarders are the exacerbating illicit tobacco. An explanatory qualitative method design was used in this study which helped to gather data to explain the phenomenon in more depth. The chosen study area of this research is the Beitbridge port of entry which is situated in the far North of the Limpopo Province of South Africa. A purposive sample was used in the study to select participants in the following law enforcement agencies, namely SAPS, SARS and SANDF. Improved working collaboration between SAPS, SARS and SANDF and other stakeholders will immensely benefit the society and government. The qualitative study method was done in this research. The research sample was the law enforcement officers responsible for curbing the illicit trade of tobacco product in a multidisciplinary approach at the Beitbridge border post from the three departments, which are SAPS, SARS and SANDF. The data was only collected from the South African side of Beitbridge not from Zimbabwean side. Thematic analysis was then used to analyse the findings. Permission to conduct the study was sought from relevant authorities, ethics of informed consent, confidentiality and voluntarily participation were utilised. The following themes emerged during the data analysis: access to the border and also to the policies as well as to the members of selected departments working at the Beitbridge border post. The responses from the findings were analyses based on the interview guide used to collect data. The respondents confirmed that though there are coordinated efforts to prevent, combat and detect illicit cigarettes there is a need for adequate resources like storage facilities, sniffer dogs and scanners at the border. Based on the responses received, it was concluded that there is an existence of some form of coordination of activities relating to operations at the border within the law enforcement agencies responsible for curb illicit trade.

Dans son sens le plus courant, mais aussi le plus étroit, la résolution des conflits en ligne (RCL) réfère à la migration, vers Internet, des modes alternatifs de règlement des conflits. Notre mémoire se concentre sur la transposition, en ligne, des seuls modes amiables de règlement des différends, dont font notamment partie la négociation et la médiation. La question guidant notre étude consiste à savoir si la résolution en ligne permet d’accroître l’accès du consommateur québécois à la justice. La première partie répond par l’affirmative, en démontrant en quoi la RCL permet de surmonter plusieurs obstacles à la fois objectifs et subjectifs auxquels se heurte le consommateur québécois souhaitant obtenir justice. Nous y présentons également certaines critiques récurrentes en matière de RCL et y répondons. Si cette première partie aborde essentiellement la question du pourquoi il est opportun de recourir au règlement électronique des litiges de consommation dans une perspective d’accès à la justice, la seconde s’intéresse à celle du comment. Notre hypothèse est que si le recours à la RCL est souhaitable pour améliorer l’accès du consommateur québécois à la justice, ce mode de règlement ne pourra véritablement porter ses fruits que s’il est encadré par l’État. Nous démontrons ainsi l’opportunité d’une intervention étatique en matière de règlement en ligne des différends de consommation. Selon nous, seule l’institutionnalisation de la RCL permettra de lever, en partie du moins, les barrières qui ont freiné, jusqu’à maintenant, le déploiement à grande échelle de ce procédé de règlement novateur. / According to its most common, but also most narrow definition, Online Dispute Resolution (ODR) refers to the electronic form of Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR). Our master’s thesis focuses on the online version of consensual dispute resolution processes, among which negotiation and mediation are found. The question underlying our research is the following: does ODR increase Quebec consumers’ access to justice? The first part of our study gives a positive answer to this question, by demonstrating how ODR can tackle many obstacles, both objective and subjective, to Quebec consumers’ access to justice. It also provides answers to the most frequent criticisms of ODR. This first part essentially addresses the question of why ODR can enhance consumers’ access to justice, while the second part focuses on the how. Our hypothesis is that ODR’s numerous advantages with regards to consumers’ access to justice will only truly materialize in practice if the government intervenes to regulate this dispute resolution method. We therefore demonstrate the opportunity of a State involvement in the field of consumer ODR. In our opinion, institutionalizing ODR will lift, partially at least, barriers that have hindered, to this day, the large-scale deployment of this innovative dispute resolution process.

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