The legal regulation of the environment is exemplary of the formation, practice and challenge of modern legal discourse and governance. The latter part of the twentieth century has seen the emergence of environmentalism and the problematisation of the environment in terms of the management of hazard and risk. The social authority of law has meant that it has been inevitably implicated in the contestation and negotiation of environmental governance. In turn, environmental governance and discourse have required a certain refiguring of legal rationality as legal discourse has been confronted by the immanent critique of environmentalism. This thesis will focus on how the environment emerged as problematic and how it came to be governed and of legal interest. Several examples of legal thinking concerning specific environmental problems are analysed, and the manner in which the environment is constructed within the legal discursive domain is examined. Much modern knowledge and understanding regarding the environment developed in part from the specialisation of scientific discourse and experiment, which formed certain areas of expertise, including biology, ecology and toxicology. This scientific knowledge significantly contributed to governmental identification and elucidation of the environment. Modern ecology and associated technologies have facilitated the detailed mapping and auditing of physical environments, and have profoundly effected our modern appreciation of ‘the environment’ as an interdependent, dynamic and potentially fragile web of interdependent physical zones, spaces and activities. Modern environmentalism has emerged through the application of this type of technical scientific knowledge, in combination with certain forms of ‘environmental sensibility’ which treat the environment, not as a thing, or somehow ‘out there’, but as a dynamic process of which humans are a part, which has a history, an economy, and a power to transform and be transformed. The shape of modern environmental governance has been especially influenced by the scientific and ethical critique of environmentalism that connects the origin of ecological risks to technological application and commodity production. Throughout this thesis, specific aspects of the ‘analytics of government’ or governmentality approach derived from Foucault’s writing on governmentality are taken up. Governmentality theory is largely concerned with the contingent relationship between knowledge and power; thus, with analysing specific discourses and associated spaces within which differing knowledge and forms of thinking interrelate and resist each other. The contestation and negotiation associated with environmental governance has confronted legal discourse and led to a refiguring of legal rationality. Legal governance of the environment has stretched and unsettled legal orthodoxy, as the environment does not readily fit into any of the usual categories pertaining to legal rights and interests. The environment, as a legal subject, is not simply a physical space; it is a contingent and instrumental concept, determined by human activity, social values and legal and non-legal calculation.

Feminist criminologists have a long history of arguing against the use of imprisonment and other formal justice system processes for criminalized women. Often feminist analyses of the formal criminal justice system end with a call for community alternatives. There has not, however, been a corresponding analysis of community programs. Critical criminologists have examined informal justice and have shown the variety of ways that seemingly alternative programs reproduce and support the formal criminal justice system. This dissertation draws from both of these criminological literatures and examines alternative justice programs for criminalized women. Based on interviews with staff at community justice programs in Winnipeg MB, I argue that these programs are neither the complete alternatives called for by feminists nor spaces which simply reproduce dominant justice system norms as found by critical criminologists. Rather, they are complex spaces of governance of criminalized women. The community programs exhibit both informal and formal characteristics. These programs engage in a variety of informal justice practices. The programs also offer informal care, advocacy, and culture services. Alongside these informal aspects of the programs, staff also engage in highly formal criminal justice work of supervision and case processing. I account for the presence of both informal and formal practices using governmentality theorists’ concepts of government-at-a-distance and responsibilization of the community. This makes them spaces in which dominant discourses and practices are reproduced. However, a close examination of the ways in which the programs construct the subject of governance, the Criminalized Woman, shows the influence of feminist discourses and reveals these spaces to be spaces of resistance as well. The specific ways that the programs respond to criminalized women and the mentalities embedded in them also reflect a tension between neoliberal and social justice approaches. Both a neoliberal mentality of proper self-governance and an ethic of care are present in the work the programs do. I argue that the presence of the multiple types of work, the alternative subjectivities offered to criminalized women, and ethic of care and practices of self-care all make the alternative justice programs spaces of resistance to dominant neoliberal strategies of governance. / February 2016

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study has aimed at problematizing the discourses of teacher education in/of diversity policies and their effects on the constitution and governing of teachers of deaf students. A set of analysis tools extracted from Foucauldian Education Studies has been used, mainly those that are close to post-structuralist researches, as well as some contributions of Zigmunt Bauman. The material of analysis has been the policy of education of teachers of deaf students in the inclusion context, particularly Material de Formação Docente do Projeto Educar na Diversidade (BRASIL, 2005), the volume Saberes e Práticas da inclusão desenvolvendo competências para o atendimento às necessidades educacionais de alunos surdos (BRASIL, 2006a), and Educação Infantil: Saberes e Práticas da Inclusão Dificuldades de Comunicação e Sinalização: Surdez (6) (BRASIL, 2006b). By explaining the movement of teacher education in the diversity logic as a teacher governmentality device, this investigation has aimed at contributing to the understanding of how the neoliberal rationality has crossed this project, constituting teachers of deaf students within a technology that operates both the governing of others and self-governing, having tolerance and polyvalence as two of their main articulations. Both the triggering of techniques of prescription and the characterization of deaf students as exotic (activated by the incorporation of polyvalence into expertise in teachers work) have been considered, aligned with practices of teachers sensitization and engagement (invested by the moral regime of tolerance), in a sort of risk prevention policy: the risk of teachers facing deaf students in their classes and not knowing how to act, how to teach them, how to approach them. It has been possible to trace an analogy to Bauman s claims that tourists are post-modernity heroes. Besides, a sort of touristic regime in teachers education for inclusion has been noticed. Being a tourist-teacher, in this sense, is to be errant, mutable, an entrepreneur of their own conduct in trips throughout territories that were previously unknown by the diversity subjects. Hence, this research has aimed at problematizing political maneuvers involved in teachers education for diversity, in the sense of producing and governing teachers of deaf students that are interesting to the neoliberal machine: flexible, polyvalent, committed, self-managed, and tolerant. / Este estudo se propôs a problematizar os discursos da formação docente nas/das políticas de diversidade e seus efeitos na constituição e governamento dos professores de surdos. Para tanto, utilizou-se um conjunto de ferramentas de análise extraídas do campo dos Estudos Foucaultianos em Educação, principalmente aquelas que estão próximas das pesquisas de tendência pós-estruturalista, bem como algumas contribuições do pensamento de Zigmunt Bauman. Tomou-se como materialidade a política de formação de professores de surdos no contexto da inclusão, mais especificamente, o Material de Formação Docente do Projeto Educar na Diversidade (BRASIL, 2005), o volume Saberes e Práticas da inclusão: desenvolvendo competências para o atendimento às necessidades educacionais de alunos surdos (BRASIL, 2006a) e a publicação Educação Infantil: Saberes e Práticas da Inclusão Dificuldades de Comunicação e Sinalização: Surdez (6) (BRASIL, 2006b). Ao explicar o movimento da formação docente na lógica da diversidade como dispositivo de governamentalidade do professor, esta investigação pretendeu contribuir para o entendimento de como a racionalidade neoliberal cruza esse projeto, constituindo o docente de surdos no interior de uma tecnologia que opera o governamento dos outros e o autogovernamento, tendo na tolerância e na polivalência duas das suas principais dobradiças. Para tanto, verificou-se o acionamento de técnicas de prescrição e exotização do estudante surdo (acionadas pela incorporação da polivalência à expertise na atuação do professor), alinhadas a práticas de sensibilização e engajamento docente (investidas pelo regime moral da tolerância), numa espécie de política de contenção do risco: o risco de os docentes depararem-se com alunos surdos em suas aulas e não saberem como proceder, como educá-los, como se dirigir a eles. Tudo isso posto, foi possível traçar uma analogia com o pensamento de Bauman, que posiciona os turistas como os heróis da pós-modernidade. Também na formação docente para a inclusão, é possível notar uma espécie de regime turístico. Ser um professor turista, nessa tônica, é ser errante, mutável, empresário da própria conduta nas viagens pelos territórios antes desconhecidos dos sujeitos da diversidade. Assim, esta pesquisa pretendeu problematizar as manobras políticas implicadas na formação docente para a diversidade, no sentido de fabricar e governar o professor de surdos interessante à engrenagem neoliberal: flexível, polivalente, engajado, autogerenciado e tolerante.

In 2008, the so-called Climate Change Act went through the UK Parliament. The bill was a commitment to radically reduce carbon emissions. During the same period of time, a third runway was planned at the London Heathrow airport. The aim with this paper is to analyse the controversy that occurs over how the expansion of civil aviation can be connected or disconnected from the politics of climate change. The specific case of Heathrow expansion brings to the fore how certain domains and economic spheres are contested, as they become subjects for incorporation with climate change policy as a discursive practice. In focus of the study are debates in the UK Parliament, as well as contestations in the form of direct actions by the activist network “Plane Stupid”. A disparity in the debate exists between “carbon budget” and “technological enframing”: two competing programmes of government. The distinction between these programmes derives from a difference of relativising and absolutising rationalities. The parliament’s decision over Heathrow is an attempt to mitigate the conflict between conflicting policies. In the direct actions by Plane Stupid the issue is however demonstrated as a conflict, and absolute connections between the question of Heathrow and climate change are visualised. By making contestations of programmes and techniques of government, the practice of resistance relates to and utilise the productive powers of governmentality. The conflict of Heathrow touches upon dynamics of discursive modifications. The control and capacity to define the character of a problem are productive powers that are subjects for continuous negotiations, contestations and conflicts.

Esta Tese de doutorado analisa a Educação Integral no Brasil e o governamento dos sujeitos escolares. O estudo está orientado pelo seguinte problema de pesquisa: como a Educação Integral contemporânea possibilita a emergência do dispositivo de intersetorialidade e por meio de quais práticas governa os sujeitos escolares? Foram tomados como aportes teórico-metodológicos os estudos e as teorizações produzidas por Michel Foucault, os quais remetem a governamentalidade e a dispositivo. A Tese realiza um estudo de inspiração genealógica, dividindo-se em dois momentos: primeiro, analisa-se a proveniência de propostas de Educação Integral no Brasil, desde o início do século XX, utilizando-se documentos, legislação, materiais de orientações e reportagens desse período até a implementação do Programa Mais Educação. No segundo momento, discute-se a emergência do dispositivo de intersetorialidade, na educação integral contemporânea, que opera formas de governar por meio de práticas intersetoriais nas escolas. Para essa segunda parte, analisam-se os documentos legais e as orientações emitidas pelo Ministério da Educação sobre o Programa Mais Educação, bem como documentos sobre o referido programa, produzidos por outros setores do governo federal. Defende-se a Tese que a Educação Integral contemporânea possibilita a emergência do dispositivo de intersetorialidade na educação e se sustenta pela jornada ampliada na escola, como espaço de constituição de uma subjetividade preventiva. Para isso, mostra-se que algumas práticas intersetoriais da saúde, da assistência social e da cultura, articuladas pelo Programa Mais Educação, investem na potencialidade dos sujeitos, não apenas quanto a aquisição de conhecimentos escolares, mas também no que se refere a aquisição de certas atitudes, como as de prevenção dos riscos para viver mais e melhor. É necessário que o sujeito da Educação Integral contemporânea se reconheça como um sujeito que vive na intersetorialidade, e que seja e queira estar incluído na vida econômica e, primordialmente, necessita estar em constante processo de aprender. / This dissertation analyzes integral education in Brazil and the governance of the school subjects. The study is guided by the following research problem: how has contemporary integral education enabled the emergency of the intersectionality apparatus and which practices the school subjects have been ruled through? Foucauldian studies and theorizations concerning governmentality and apparatus have been taken as a theoretical and methodological approach. The dissertation carries out studies of genealogical inspiration divided into two parts. The first part consists of a provenance analyzes of propositions of integral education in Brazil, accomplished through documents, legislation, guidance materials and reports that cover a length of time from the beginning of the 20th century to the period of the implementation of More Education Program. The second part consists of a discussion of the emergency of the intersectional apparatus in the contemporary integral education that operates ways of governing through intersectional practices in schools. In this second part the analyzes is focused on the legal documents and on the guidelines issued by the Ministry of Education about the More Education Program, as well as the documents of the referred program, produced by other sectors of the Federal Government. It is argued that the contemporary integral education enables the emergency of the intersectionality apparatus in education and is sustained by the extended school journey as a space of establishment of a preventive subjectivity. Therefore, it is shown that some inter sectorial practices in the field of health, social assistance and culture, related to the More Education Program, have invested in the potentiality of the subject; not only in terms of the acquisition of school knowledge, but also in terms of the acquisition of preventive risk attitudes to enable a longer and better life. The subject of the contemporary integral education needs to recognize himself as a subject who lives in the intersectoriality, a subject who needs and wants to be part of the economic life and primarily, part of a constant learning process.

Wie etablieren sich Geräte für die Modulation der Verhaltensweisen von Menschen mit Behinderungen im historischen Prozess der Verfassung deren Recht auf die Besuch regelmäßiger Schule? Und was sind die zeitgenössischen Auswirkungen dieser Modulation der Verhaltensweisen von Menschen mit Behinderungen im Bildungskontext? Diesen Fragen geht die vorliegende Doktorarbeit nach, indem sie ihre Studie auf Basis einer poststrukturalistischen Perspektive stützt und den Begriff des Gouvernementalität und Modulation als analytisches Werkzeug anwendet. Das Analysekorpus besteht aus amtlichen Dokumenten, wie z. B. Kampagnen, Gesetzen, Verordnungen, Beschlüssen und Politiken, die den Menschen mit Behinderungen das Recht auf die Besuch regelmäßiger Schule gewährleisten. Nach der Analyse der obenerwähnten Texten gliedert sich diese Arbeit in drei Teile. Erstens betrachte ich die diskursive Ordnung, die in Dokumenten vorhanden ist, die sich mit Bildungsaspekten für Menschen mit Behinderungen in Brasilien in der ersten Hälfte des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts befassen, und hebe ich die zentrale Relevanz der klinischen und therapeutischen Diskurse in pädagogischen Praktiken und Wissen hervor. In Bezug auf die Institutionalisierung von abnormalen Körpern werden Investitionen wirksam, indem sie die Korrekturverfahren der Anomalie fördern und der Errichtung eines geregelten Körpers nachgehen. Zweitens wurden angesichts der Bildungspolitik für Menschen mit Behinderungen wichtige Maßnahmen zur Integration und Entwicklung dieser Subjekten im Bildungsraum, in Klassen oder in Sonderschulen umgesetzt, und zwar in einem historischen Hintergrund, in dem die politischen Rechten suspendiert und die bürgerlichen sowie sozialen Rechte vom Staat kontrolliert wurden Diese Maßnahmen zur Integration von Menschen mit Behinderungen basierten sich auf normalisierende Praktiken, die darauf zielten, vorher ausgeschlossene Subjekte in das soziale Zusammenleben zu bringen. Drittens stelle ich die Verbreitung von Maßnahmen für das Recht von Menschen mit Behinderungen auf die Besuch regelmäßiger Schule infrage. Dazu stelle ich fest, dass die Modulation der Verhaltensweisen in der gegenwärtigen Raum-Zeit-Konfiguration in Richtung der Entwicklung von Subjekten geht, die entlang deren Bildungsprozess auf die Entwicklung individueller Kompetenzen irgendwie investieren können. In der Kontrollegesellschaft werden Ebene-Variationen betrieben, denn wenn alle in den Maschen statistisch eingefügt werden, wird deren Teilnahme an verschiedenen Stellen und Referenzen in Steigungen operationalisiert. Der Analyse zufolge wird hier die These verteidigt, dass sich die Schulinklusion während der historischen Bewegung der Bildungspolitik für das Recht auf die Besuch regelmäßiger Schule für Menschen mit Behinderungen als Gerät für die Regelung der Modulation der Verhaltensweisen gilt. Die Modulation von Verhaltensweisen von Menschen mit Behinderungen zielt darauf ab, partizipative Themen, Flexibel und autonome Lernende durch eine neoliberale Gouvernementalität anzutreiben. / Como, no processo histórico de constituição do direito à escola comum para as pessoas com deficiência, instituem-se tecnologias de modulação de suas condutas? E quais as implicações contemporâneas dessa modulação da conduta das pessoas com deficiência no contexto educacional? É a partir dessas perguntas que desenvolvo a presente Tese, fundamentando o estudo em uma perspectiva pós-estruturalista e utilizando as noções de governamento e de modulação como ferramentas analíticas. Para o corpus de análise, foram selecionados documentos oficiais, como campanhas, leis, decretos, resoluções e política que instituem o direito à escola comum para as pessoas com deficiência. A partir da incursão analítica nos materiais selecionados, o trabalho foi organizado em três partes. Na primeira, analiso a ordem discursiva presente nos documentos que tratam de questões educacionais relativas às pessoas com deficiência no Brasil da primeira metade do século XX e mostro a centralidade dos discursos clínicos e terapêuticos nas práticas e saberes educacionais. Na arena da institucionalização do corpo anormal, os investimentos efetivam-se em processos de correção da anormalidade para a constituição de um corpo regulado. Na segunda parte, frente a um cenário marcado pela suspensão dos direitos políticos, enquanto que os direitos civis e sociais permaneceram sob a tutela do Estado, no que se refere às políticas educacionais para as pessoas com deficiência, são desenvolvidas ações importantes para a integração e o desenvolvimento desses sujeitos nos espaços educacionais, em classes ou escolas especiais. Essas ações voltadas para a integração das pessoas com deficiência estavam pautadas em práticas normalizadoras que objetivavam capacitar os excluídos para o convívio social. Na terceira parte, ao problematizar a difusão de ações em prol do direito das pessoas com deficiência à escola comum, verifico que, na configuração espaço-temporal do presente, a modulação das condutas tem se direcionado para a constituição de sujeitos que ao longo de seu processo de formação possam, de algum modo, investir no desenvolvimento das competências individuais. Na sociedade de controle, são operadas variações de níveis, pois, se todos se encontram inseridos nas malhas da linguagem numérica – em dados estatísticos –, sua participação é operacionalizada a partir de diferentes pontos e referências, em gradientes. Nessa lógica, mediante a análise desenvolvida, é aqui defendida a tese de que, no movimento histórico das políticas educacionais em prol do direito à escola comum para as pessoas com deficiência, a inclusão escolar se constitui como dispositivo do governo da vida pela modulação das condutas. A modulação das condutas das pessoas com deficiência, a partir de uma governamentalidade neoliberal, tem por objetivo constituir sujeitos participativos, autônomos, flexíveis e aprendizes. / Along the historical process of constitution of the impaired people’s right to attend regular school, how have devices for modulating their conducts been instituted? And what are the contemporary implications of this modulation of impaired people’s conducts in the educational context? These are the questions that triggered this Thesis. The study has been grounded on a post-structuralist perspective, and the notions of governmentality and modulation has been used as an analytical tool. The corpus has included official documents, such as campaigns, acts, decrees, resolutions and a policy that have instituted the right of impaired people to attend regular school. From the analysis of the selected materials, the study has been organized in three parts. In the first part, I have analyzed the discursive order found in the documents addressing educational issues related to impaired people in Brazil along the first half of the 20th century. Furthermore, I have shown the centrality of clinical and therapeutical discourses in educational practices and knowledges. In the arena of institutionalization of the abnormal body, investments were made in processes of correction of abnormality in order to shape a regulated body. In the second part, regarding educational policies directed to impaired people and considering a scenario marked by political rights, while civil and social rights remained under the tutelage of the State, important actions were taken to integrate and develop those subjects in educational settings, in special classes or schools. These actions for integration of impaired people were based on normalizing practices that aimed to enable the excluded for social life. In the third part, by problematizing the spread of actions favoring the right of impaired people to regular school, I have perceived that, in the temporal-spatial configuration of the present, the modulation of conducts has been directed to the constitution of subjects who somehow are able to invest in the development of individual competences along their educational process. In the society of control, there are level variations, i.e. if everybody is included in the network of numerical language – statistical data – their participation occurs from different points and references, in grades. In this logic, the analysis has enabled me to defend the thesis that, in the historical movement of educational policies for the right of impaired people to attend regular school, school inclusion is a device for governing life through the modulation of conducts. Under a neoliberal governmentality, the modulation of impaired people’s conducts aims to constitute participating, autonomous, flexible and learning subjects.

In 2008, the so-called Climate Change Act went through the UK Parliament. The bill was a commitment to radically reduce carbon emissions. During the same period of time, a third runway was planned at the London Heathrow airport. The aim with this paper is to analyse the controversy that occurs over how the expansion of civil aviation can be connected or disconnected from the politics of climate change. The specific case of Heathrow expansion brings to the fore how certain domains and economic spheres are contested, as they become subjects for incorporation with climate change policy as a discursive practice. In focus of the study are debates in the UK Parliament, as well as contestations in the form of direct actions by the activist network “Plane Stupid”. A disparity in the debate exists between “carbon budget” and “technological enframing”: two competing programmes of government. The distinction between these programmes derives from a difference of relativising and absolutising rationalities. The parliament’s decision over Heathrow is an attempt to mitigate the conflict between conflicting policies. In the direct actions by Plane Stupid the issue is however demonstrated as a conflict, and absolute connections between the question of Heathrow and climate change are visualised. By making contestations of programmes and techniques of government, the practice of resistance relates to and utilise the productive powers of governmentality. The conflict of Heathrow touches upon dynamics of discursive modifications. The control and capacity to define the character of a problem are productive powers that are subjects for continuous negotiations, contestations and conflicts.

The increasing prominence of faith-based organisations (FBOs) in providing welfare in the UK has typically been regarded as a by-product of neoliberalism, as the gaps left by shrinking public service provision and the contracting out of service delivery have been filled by these and other Third Sector organisations. In this way, FBOs have been represented as merely being co-opted as inexpensive resource providers into the wider governmentalities of neoliberal politics – a process that allows a particular secularised form of religion in the public realm. In contrast FBOs working outside the financial and regulatory frameworks of government are understood to resist co-option and maintain the integrity a faith-motivated approach - an approach commonly assumed to be ideologically coercive and tainted by proselytising self-interest. This thesis challenges these conventional accounts of FBOs and the bifurcation of third sector welfare providers into “insiders” and “outsiders”. Drawing upon in-depth ethnographic research with FBOs providing drug rehabilitation services in the UK – and with the clients of these services – this thesis illustrates how neoliberalism can be co-constituted through the involvement of FBOs, which can offer various pathways of resistance in and through the pursuit of alternative philosophies of care and political activism. I critically question the difference faith makes in the processes of care and welfare in FBOs, critiquing the varied ethics of care derived in part from theological belief, and emphasise the relationships of care embodied and performed within organisational spaces as to complicate oversimplified stories of neoliberal co-option, proselytisation and social control. Equally, I argue that some accounts of secularisation of FBOs overlook a broader rapprochement between secular and faith-based ethical motivations, which can solicit new political and ethical spaces that run counter to, and sometimes actively resist, neoliberal (and religious) governmentalities. By drawing attention to the ethical agency of staff and clients in these spaces of care and regulation, this thesis paves the way for a more nuanced understanding of the geographies of faith, welfare and neoliberalism.

Major railway stations in England and Wales are highly networked and open locations, frequently crowded, and are vulnerable to criminal and terrorist activities. Successive Government policies and agendas have sought to lessen this susceptibility, by promoting the understanding of and the application of resilience and security measures. Thus, the complex stakeholders are responsibilised (Garland, 1996) and urged to integrate and merge resilience, crime prevention and counter-terrorism measures into their governance, and operational policies and agendas. The aim of this research is to determine and examine the interdependencies and boundaries of the multiple stakeholders within St Pancras International Railway Station (SPIRS), and to analyse how their governance, operational and legislative requirements, and agendas influence current and future resilience of complex Category A railway stations to human malign security threats. Through a unique single case study of SPIRS, qualitative data was collected from thirty-two stakeholder participants, sampled for their expert opinion and experience. Data was also collected via documents and observations. SPIRS interconnected and complex stakeholders were represented using stakeholder analysis and mapping to create an original and innovative map highlighting those who can influence and impact the resilience of the space to human malign security threats. From the thematic analysis of the data, the overarching themes exposed the resilience within SPIRS operates in an uncertain legal space, competing with disparate institutional processes creating a gulf between reality and rhetoric of the responsibilisation of resilience and security strategies. The blurred boundaries of responsibility and understanding of the resilience and security agendas within SPIRS created tension between the national and local level stakeholders. The research adds an original and novel contribution to knowledge, as through contemporary empirical evidence it has established the political rhetoric of responsibilisation (Garland, 1996) for resilience and security policies are inconsistent and contradictory with the reality of how these transpire in an ambiguous operational and legal space such as SPIRS. Regardless of the mapped interdependencies between the multiple stakeholders and their interconnecting operational and legislative obligations, there is a definite absence of a clear and united approach to resilience, with concerns being dealt with by multiple stakeholders and policies. The research has revealed the complications and disparities the complex and multiple stakeholders face implementing policy and subsequently institutional changes in a cohesive manner. The findings of the research necessitate transformations in established organisational procedures, thus ensuring these interdependencies are dealt with now to make certain the effectual incorporation and integration of agendas and strategies are unified, and which maintain the resilience of Category A railway stations and SPIRS for future generations.

Desde una perspectiva procesual de la vida social, la tecnología opera siempre dentro de marcos discursivos y de acción que la hacen posible, le dan sentido y la legitiman, pero que al mismo tiempo son constituidos por la propia tecnología y sus usos. en otras palabras, los marcos de acción de una época son constitutivos de y son constituidos por la tecnología. esta aproximación se alinea con un enfoque performativo acerca de las tecnologías digitales y que ha permitido problematizarlas en términos de los actores y sus pragmáticas. De esta manera se ha logrado también transcender esquemas dicotómicos para entender asuntos referidos a la representación y a las relaciones de poder implicados en estas tecnologías.Pero ¿qué pasa cuando la performatividad de los actores y la fuerza performativa de sus prácticas dejan de ser un aspecto de sus dinámicas y configuración, y adquieren más bien fuerza normativa?en otras palabras, ¿qué está en juego cuando los actores y sus prác-ticas se organizan en torno a la performance como mandato, vale decir, como régimen de verdad? en el contexto de un mundo regido por los principios de eficiencia, eficacia y efectividad, ciertamente resulta necesario plantear este tipo de interrogante, en particular con respectos a las paradojas que esto plantea a los regímenes participativos que responden a la lógica de la gubernamentalidad neoliberal. / In a processual perspective of social life, technology works within discursive and action frames that make it possible. these frames provide meaning and legitimate technology but are also produced through technology and its uses. In other words, actions frames of an era are constitutive of and constituted by technology. this perspective follows a performative approach on digital technologies which allow the authors to problematize them in terms of their actors, discourses, and practices. On this way, the authors go beyond views that tend to dichotomize in order to understand issues of representation and power relations. Yet, what happens when actor’s performances and the performative force of their practices are no longer an aspect of their dynamics and configuration, but rather a normative force? In other words, what is at stake when actors and their performances are organized by performance as a mandate, that is, as a regime of truth? In a context where the principles of efficiency, effectiveness and efficacy are a mandate, there is a need to ask this sort of question, particularly in relation to the paradoxes it poses to participatory regimes that respond to the demands of neoliberal governmentality.